All posts by David Dayen

CA-41: Lewis Choosing His Committees, Choosing His Opponent?

Now for the reason I turned to Novakula in the first place (yes, he’s a partisan hack, but his sources are typically impeccable).  This weekend he reported on maneuvers within the House GOP caucus to keep Jerry Lewis in his post as the ranking member of the Appropriations Committee, despite being under federal investigation.  You’ll recall that Minority Leader John Boehner stressed ethics and honesty when elected by the caucus, and even demoted John Doolittle from Appropriations when the FBI raided his house.  There would appear to be a double standard, and reformers within the Republican Party are pissed.

The GOP leadership was so frazzled by this column that they sought to spin it on Friday, before it was even published.  They denied that the meeting ever occurred.  However, Lewis is still the ranking member of the Committee, so those denials only go so far.  So it appears he’ll remain in that position throughout his re-election effort.  And that effort has Howie Klein pissed:

It also looks like he’s gotten the same shill candidate, Louie Contreras, who didn’t run against him in 2006 to be his “opponent” in 2008– and the state of Art Torres’ California Democratic Party is so pathetic that they won’t even lift a finger to look into it.

So Lewis, probably the single most corrupt man in Congress, has the Republican nomination locked up and the Democratic nomination rigged. All he has to do is not get indicted. He’s spent over a million dollars in legal fees to keep that from happening.

Contreras actually jumped into the comments of that post and claimed that State Superintendent of Public Instruction Jack O’Connell was supporting him.  He isn’t.  The San Bernardino Sun claims Tim Prince is running, though he earlier said that he would only run if Lewis didn’t.  I can add that there will be an additional “mystery candidate” in this race, and for now, that’s all I can say. (Tee-hee!!)

Arnold Stabs Sick Children In The Back On SCHIP

I was actually looking at this Robert Novak column for another reason, but this is a bit worth mentioning.  Seems that our post-partisan governor toed the party line, when push came to shove.

While 19 of 22 Republican governors once favored the Democratic bill expanding the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), only two signed a Tuesday letter to President Bush urging him to sign the measure.

Health and Human Services Secretary Michael Leavitt, a former governor of Utah, helped bring around his former colleagues. Even California’s Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a presumed supporter of the SCHIP bill, joined his fellow Republicans. The only GOP governors signing the letter were Connecticut’s Jodi Rell and Utah’s Jon Huntsman (following the lead of his state’s Republican Sen. Orrin Hatch).

So the governor of UTAH has more courage of his convictions than our Arnold.  Classy move.

Harman Speaks to Westside Progressives in Los Angeles

My post about Jane Harman’s remarks at a town hall meeting yesterday about the secret “torture memos” revealed this week by the New York Times is up at Think Progress, submitted through their Blog Fellows Program, which I can’t recommend enough.  Let me contextualize those remarks a bit more, and add some of the other interesting things Rep. Harman had to say.

I asked the question to Harman about the secret memos.  Earlier this week, the White House claimed that all relevant members of Congress had been fully briefed on the classified program sanctioning harsh interrogation techniques by the CIA.  At the time of the memos, Harman was a member of the “Gang Of Eight” routinely briefed on intelligence matters.  Harman was shaking her head as I asked the question if she was fully briefed, chuckling almost in disbelief.  Her answer:

We were not fully briefed. We were told about operational details but not these memos. Jay Rockefeller said the same thing, and I associate myself with his remarks. And we want to see these memos.

over…

Harman is now the third member of the Gang of Eight, joining Jay Rockefeller and Nancy Pelosi, to reject the White House’s claim that they were fully briefed about these memos.  The Administration is lying, again, and it is now incumbent upon Congress to make every effort to obtain those memos and to enshrine into law a full repudiation of the arguments therein described.  The follow-up question I wanted to ask Rep. Harman, but could not, was how she would go about pressuring the White House to get those documents.  Obviously the vehicle for this is through the confirmation of Attorney General nominee Michael Mukasey.  Considering that these memos came out of the Justice Department, there should simply be no movement on his confirmation without an exchange of the memos.

Let me add some additional information about the town hall.  I wrote in my Think Progress post this tidbit:

Harman later revealed that she was speaking with an unidentified Republican in her office, who told her that if President Bush were to attack Iran, then even he would vote for impeachment.

You have to understand the environment of this town hall meeting.  The audience included the hardcore progressives that made up the core of the Marcy Winograd primary challenge to Harman in 2006; in fact, Winograd was on a panel right before Harman’s arrival.  These people were SCREAMING for impeachment; the first two questions were about this issue.  And Harman could do nothing but reiterate that Nancy Pelosi, not her, had taken impeachment off the table.  She went on to describe her no votes against the Clinton impeachment and how MoveOn.org was born out of the impeachment debate (odd of her to approvingly cite MoveOn, considering she voted to condemn their remarks in the “General Betrayus” ad).  But when she brought up Iran, she said “this little anecdote should make you smile,” and mentioned the above exchange.

Here are some of the other notable tidbits in Harman’s meeting.

• She recommended Jack Goldsmith’s “The Terror Presidency” as the best source for understanding how the Bush Administration attempted to expand executive power through neutering the Office of Legal Counsel.  She had the book with her.

• She reiterated that “intelligence was politicized again” on the FISA bill, referring to the fake terror attack hyped by the White House designed to get wavering Democrats to sanction warrantless surveillance.  It was a cold-blooded tactic, and it should be heavily publicized.  I thanked Rep. Harman for speaking out on this, and I hope that she’ll continue as well as encourage other members to corroborate her allegations.  Harman said she is working to change the new FISA bill, which will “probably be introduced this week.”  The goals are that any surveillance must be done through the FISA court, with a warrant, and with minimization protocols if a US national is involved.

• Harman spoke about her legislation to close Guantanamo, restore habeas corpus, and end the use of national security letters outside their initial purpose.  She spoke glowingly about the vote this week to put Blackwater contractors under the auspices of US law, and thanked both Rep. Waxman and Rick Jacobs, who produced Iraq for Sale, with their efforts to get the word out about Blackwater’s numerous abuses and how they fell into the “legal black hole” regarding their activities.

• She recommended the Seymour Hersh article about developments with respect to Iran, and said that she has invited him to speak to the Congress.  Harman was adamant in saying that “targeted sanctions are working” with Iran, and that the government should “stop the saber rattling” that could lead us to another catastrophic war.

• She trumpeted her contribution to the House energy bill, a measure to retire the incandescent light bulb by 2012.

• On trade, she made a disappointing statement.  Despite voting against NAFTA and CAFTA and claiming that she was proven right on those votes, she said that some trade deals are admissable with proper labor and environmental standards as well as trade adjustment assistance, and referring to the current Peruvian Free Trade Agreement that will come up for vote in a couple weeks, she said that “It was approved by Charlie Rangel.”  Uh-oh.  We know that this bill, crafted in the dead of night to appease corporate interests, does not go nearly far enough to ensure labor and environmental standards, and would be nothing more than NAFTA-light.

• Someone asked Rep. Harman about the Walt-Mearshimer book “The Israel Lobby” and AIPAC’s support for endless war, including war with Iran.  Harman, who has been linked in the past to lobbies like AIPAC, said “I’m not a member of AIPAC… I support a two-state solution where Palestine can thrive economically with borders that are defensible to Israel.”  She pretty much dodged the question.

• On the still-unresolved EPA waiver that would allow California to make their own rules on tailpipe emissions that contribute to global warming, Harman said that she signed on to a letter protesting the slow-rolling from the EPA and the Department of Transportation, and she added that Gov. Schwarzenegger should work harder to get DoT to “back off” (they’ve been accused of lobbying lawmakers to pressure the EPA to block the California law).

• Finally, Harman asked for education activists to call her office and tell her about the reauthorization of No Child Left Behind.  While she said that Rep. Miller has claimed to her it has been improved, she said “I am prepared to oppose it” if the changes are not satisfactory.

The Hardening Narrative on Nuñez And Its Implications

(This video can’t be good. It’s overly sensationalist, and more than a bit trashy. But still, the underlying question remains at a time when such questions could be disastrous for the term limits initiative. – promoted by Brian Leubitz)

Steve Lopez takes his whacks today.

“There’s not too big a difference,” Nuñez told Vogel, “between how I live and how most middle-class people live.”

Hands down, it’s the quote of the year.

I’m not sure what middle-class people Nuñez is talking about, but I’m worried that he’s spending entirely too much time with Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger. Could the speaker be talking about Brentwood’s middle-class?

That’s the kind of quote that haunts people throughout their political career.  And Lopez connects it to fears of buying access that should worry all of us, especially in light of the special session.

It’s the democracy we’ve all been waiting for in Sacramento. Gulfstreams, Louis Vuitton office supplies and nose-thumbing responses to inquiring constituents.

Given Nuñez’s refusal to explain the specific purpose of his travels, Carmen Balber of the Foundation for Taxpayer and Consumer Rights is biting her nails, hoping Nuñez wasn’t sampling fine wine with players who have pumped $5.3 million into the “Friends of Fabian Nuñez” campaign kitty.

“The first question that comes to mind is whether the health insurance industry was sponsoring the speaker’s lavish trips, as he’s now debating the future of the health market in California,” Balber said.

She notes that Nuñez’s travel fund has received $136,000 from health insurers and their lobbyists. And Nuñez is working with Schwarzenegger ($719,000 and counting from health insurers and their lobbies) on a health insurance reform bill that would require every Californian to buy coverage, but wouldn’t require insurers to cap the cost.

Certainly the insurers would love to raise a fine bottle of red to the passage of such a bill, and Nuñez has been known to pop the cork on crushed grapes that run as high as $224 a bottle.

I think we have to look at the root causes of something like this. I believe it directly comes out of a static Democratic Party, with its extreme gerrymandering and zealous antipathy to primaries.  Matt Stoller has an incredible post today about the broken market for Democratic primaries, and I think it’s directly relatable to what we’re seeing in California.  On the flip…

Let’s go through why primaries are essential vehicles.

One, primaries create tremendous efficiencies for activists, concerned citizens, and outside groups.  Spending inordinate amounts of time calling and writing Democratic members of Congress or advertising to get their attention, all to get them to do what they should be doing anyway is incredibly costly, and is a direct result of a lack of real political costs to bad faith actions that would be imposed by a healthy series of primary challenges.  The lack of primaries is in effect a tremendous negative feedback loop for activism, dampening all of our focused energy as a piece of insulation does summer heat.

Two, democracy is a core Democratic value.  The right to vote, and have that vote counted, is meaningful because it allows citizens to generate buy-in to their civic structures.  This is as true within a party as it is within a country (and as true within a union, club, corporation, or church).  It’s no accident that the Democratic Party gained tens of thousands of new registrants in 2006 in Connecticut.  Democratic structures make our party and our country stronger, whether that’s by generating Democratic volunteer or donor lists in a hot primary that can be moved over to a general election or letting a festering intraparty fight get resolved by putting it to the voters.

Three, a lack of primaries disenfranchises Democratic voters.  John Tanner, who has not faced a real race in years, or Lynn Woolsey, simply do not have to represent their constituents.  They may choose to do so, but they do not have to.  And their constituents have no recourse.  Their constituents are cut out.  In that case, why be a Democrat?  Why volunteer for Democrats, or donate if the party itself isn’t democratic?

Four, primaries are a check on calcification and corruption within the party.  The only way to keep Congressional representatives responsive to party activists and voters and not corrupted by their control of the party is to have regular mechanisms for feedback by activists and voters.  Joe Biden obviously should be challenged for his Senate seat in 2008, but it’s not likely to happen, and this was true for Tom Carper and Dianne Feinstein in 2006.

All of these are key elements of the situation we’re seeing in California.  It’s hard to keep activism high when the legislature in Sacramento seems like such a closed system, even to rank-and-file legislators.  We have a Big Five and a Little One Hundred And Sixteen, and this is a discouraging development.  There is also no excitement generated by Democrats throughout the state, no opportunities for registering new voters and bringing new ideas to the process.  The legislators have little belief that they can be beaten once they first get elected, so they don’t feel any need to respect the wishes of their constituents.  And the end result is a calcified Democratic Party with a shrinking base, which has ceded much of the inland areas in the state and is concerned primarily with holding on to their fiefdoms.  Plus, the opportunities for corruption and ethical lapses, as we see in this case, are amplified.

This is obviously a drastic reading of what goes on in the state.  We have decent majorities and have passed some praiseworthy policies in recent years.  But the ability to go further and do more is always suppressed, and political power is centralized among a select few.  Just as there is a narrow establishment class in Washington that discourages inter-party debate and primary efforts, the same class exists in California, as the establishment appears to abhor the idea of even growing the majority by competing in “red” areas, let alone taking a hard look at the seats under Democratic control to judge whether there is an effective legislator working to advance our interests and values.  This is not about purging the party and shrinking the tent, this is about saving the party from itself, as they are shrinking their own tent and dampening activism.  The demographics are working for the party in many ways, but also against the party, as job growth moves inland into fast-growing areas like Riverside and Ontario in the south, and districts like CA-11 up north.

We are squandering an opportunity to build a strong legislative majority that can move forward real change by investing power in the hands of an unaccountable few and watching idly as they are tempted by powerful interests to use that power to do little more than protect the status quo.  One of the few ways to change this paradigm is to support any efforts to make strong challenges in the primaries to hold these power brokers accountable.  Another is to take a long look at the effort to entrench power further by changing the term limit law in a way to keep the leadership in charge for another 6-8 years.  Regardless of whether or not you agree with term limits as an abstract concept, you have to ask yourself if it’s advisable to create a situation that would again centralize power, calcify the party leadership and reduce efforts for real change.

(Obviously, meaningful campaign finance reform, which would remove the money barrier to contested primaries, is a great vehicle to kick-start this process.)

Health Care Special Session Update – A Document Appears

So out of the “magic fax” in Sacramento where all bills without authors are created comes new “legislative language” on a compromise health care proposal, language that nobody has claimed as their own and that everyone is disavowing, but which looks mysteriously like the Governor’s handiwork.  You can take a look at this language yourself here.

We are disappointed that we seem to back to square one with something very similar to the Governor’s January proposal, with only a few of our comments and concerns raised over the course of the year addressed. While we would have preferred having the Governor’s language much earlier in the year, we do appreciate having the language to seriously respond and react to–if that is what it takes to move the conversation forward.

It’s like when you work really hard on a document, but then the computer crashed, and you have to reboot and start again. It’s frustrating, but the goal doesn’t change.

over…

This could have played out over the regular session if the governor would have distributed this and negotiated at that time.  But as he jets off to China, this gets dropped in everyone’s lap – and look what’s in there:

• The elimination of quarterly complaint and greivance reporting for HMOs, which seems to remove an important oversight over insurers.

• The apparent increase in the permissible premium, for those making 150-200%FPL (federal poverty level), at a level that is still too high–5%, which does not include out-of-pocket costs.

• The lack of any standards for out-of-pocket costs in the subsidized pool. Given that one can drive the cost of a premium down by raising deductibles and cost-sharing, the limit of premiums provides small comfort.

• An exemption from the minimum level of coverage for any and all employer plans. The draft still has, as a placeholder, an unacceptable $5,000 deductible (and $10,000 out-of-pocket max) plan as a minimum level of coverage under the individual mandate… but that even that low minimum does not apply to individuals who take up employer-based coverage, meaning they could have coverage with very skimpy benefits, or no out-of-pocket maximum.

• A weak definition of the minimum Medical Loss Ratio (the amount spent on patient care rather than administration and profit), so that it applies to an insurers’ entire portfolio of business, meaning this rule would no longer provide assurance that any specific product is of good actuarial value. A limit that was product-by-product, or even market-by-market, would be more helpful to consumers.

• The Healthy Action benefit seems to be less than advertised as well, since it only requires an insurer to offer such a product, but does not include smoking cessation or obesity programs as a mandated benefit. With no requirement, the policy seems more likely to be a way for insurers to identify risk, rather than a viable new benefit for consumers. If this is truly a priority, it needs to be a mandated benefit.

• And most concerning, the guaranteed issue protections in the individual market seem hollow with the new details. Only a few high-deductible, low-benefit products will be guaranteed issue to begin with–so those with “pre-existing conditions” will only have access to the coverage in the market that is least suited to them. There would be little assurance that we would ever get to a second phase of having the full market guaranteed issue. Insurers will be able to use benefit design, marketing, and pricing to avoid those California customers that have health risks and needs. In particular, we believe older Californians will simply be priced out of the individual market, and the guaranteed access an illusion.

I can live with an individual mandate if it included guaranteed issue and significant cost controls, in addition to a baseline of coverage for the insured and a cap on prices.  But this proposal seeks to eliminate practically all of those checks on the insurance companies while maintaining the individual mandate.  This is nothing but a license to print money for the insurers.

Since nobody will claim this document, it’s hard to know whether or not this is the result of any negotiation or if it’s the Governor’s response to AB8.  Therefore, it’s hard to know whether or not the end result will be something in the middle, or something pretty close to this orphan document.  If the latter is the case, health reform should be torpedoed in the special session without delay.  These terms are unacceptable.

Just A Hardworking Guy From The Labor Movement

Somehow I think the Speaker’s Office won’t be too happy with this LA Times profile.

SACRAMENTO — As leader of the California Assembly, Speaker Fabian Nuñez has traveled the world in luxury, paying with campaign funds for visits to some of the finest hotels and restaurants and for purchases at high-end retailers such as Louis Vuitton in Paris.

It is not clear how these activities have related to legislative business, as state law requires, because the Los Angeles Democrat refuses to provide details on tens of thousands of dollars in such expenditures.

The spending, listed in mandatory filings with the state, includes $47,412 on United, Lufthansa and Air France airlines this year; $8,745 at the exclusive Hotel Arts in Barcelona, Spain; $5,149 for a “meeting” at Cave L’Avant Garde, a wine seller in the Bordeaux region of France; a total of $2,562 for two “office expenses” at Vuitton, two years apart; and $1,795 for a “meeting” at Le Grand Colbert, a venerable Parisian restaurant.

Nuñez also spent $2,934 at Colosseum Travel in Rome, and paid $505 to the European airline Spanair.

Other expenses are closer to home: a $1,715 meeting at Asia de Cuba restaurant in West Hollywood; a $317 purchase at upscale Pavilion Salon Shoes in Sacramento; a $2,428 meeting at 58 Degrees and Holding, a Sacramento wine bar and bistro; and $800 spent at Dollar Rent a Car in Kihei, Hawaii.

The Speaker characterized these expenses as “not only justified but necessary for the decisions I need to make on a daily basis.”  And the evidence for that was… well, his say-so, having refused to supply the Times with any specifics.  Fine by me, right, Isn’t the word of a politician good enough?  It does give pause, however, that Senate President Pro Tem Don Perata’s expenses include no overseas travel for the last three years.  But hey, they’re in entirely different chambers of the same legislature, right?

Look, I’ve been to Asia de Cuba and managed to keep the check down to $250 or so, but I don’t know how many were in Nuñez’ party.  Plus I was paying for it myself instead of out of my campaign kitty, so I guess I had more of a frugality incentive.

more…

I will point out that this is an insulting and insensitive statement:

In the interview, Nuñez said he wouldn’t need to use his $5.3-million “Friends of Fabian Nuñez” campaign account to offset travel costs if he were independently wealthy. The speaker’s job pays $130,062 a year plus a tax-free $170 for expenses each day the Assembly is in session.

“There’s not too big a difference,” he said, “between how I live and how most middle-class people live.”

What’s the average salary of those who live in his district, which includes downtown LA, Boyle Heights, Maywood and Huntington Park?  I don’t think it’s $130,000.  That’s an amazingly out-of-touch statement, especially in light of these revelations.

You can see a graphic of the expenditures here.

All I’ll say is that I will not be nominating Speaker Nuñez for the Calitics ActBlue list, as he doesn’t appear to need the money.

(and yes, the story is a term limits-related hit piece, but that doesn’t exactly make it false)

At The Earliest Beginnings of Prison Reform

Today the Joint Economic Committee, composed of Senators Webb and Schumer along with New York Rep. Carolyn Maloney, held a hearing on certainly the most underappreciated issue facing America – our prison crisis.  Here’s part of Rep. Maloney’s statement:

The United States has the highest incarceration rates in the world, with more than 2 million Americans currently in jails or prisons. Clearly, imprisonment benefits society and is an important public safety measure. But faced with an unprecedented increase in incarceration, we must ask ourselves whether we are striking the right balance between the costs and benefits of imprisonment. 

Putting more resources into creating economic opportunities that provide alternatives to crime would pay dividends in reducing crime and incarceration, while also strengthening families and communities.

We all know that in the long run crime doesn’t pay, but it sure is costly. The average annual cost of incarceration for one federal prisoner exceeds $20,000 – far more than the average annual cost of $3,700 for a youth program, $6,000 for a job training program or the $13,000 for tuition at public universities. 

There is no question that crime rates have dropped in the U.S. over the past decade. Researchers agree that the increase in incarceration rates have been driven by tougher sentences for repeat offenders and drug offenders, mandatory minimums, and a more punitive approach to post-release supervision, rather than an increase in crime.

These are precisely the problems that California faces, due to a complete failure of legislative leadership and a panoply of thousands of tougher sentencing laws.  Today Dan Weintraub reports on the stirrings of a long-overdue reform of the system, before it’s too late.

The Schwarzenegger administration, which has been cautious to a fault when it comes to prison reform, is tiptoeing back toward the idea of loosening restrictions on parolees who are good bets to stay out of trouble.

The program is starting with a trial run in Orange County, where ex-cons who are considered the lowest risks and then meet a series of benchmarks will be cut loose from state super- vision after six months instead of three years.

The idea is to give those parolees an incentive to get their lives back on stable ground shortly after they leave prison, which is when most felons return to a life of crime. Then, by letting them off parole early, the state figures it will be able to concentrate more resources on more-dangerous felons who need the most attention.

Parole reform is to prison reform as S-CHIP is to the broader health care issue.  It’s a baby step on the road to really making those tough decisions.  But it’s taken so long to get to this point, and change is being forced only through a crisis and a potential capping of the prison population, that I guess we have to be happy for what we get.  There’s going to be major pushback on this from the right (it’s already happening on the Flush Report) so it’s important that this under-the-radar issue gets attention and support.

False Equivalence

The New York Times decides to wade into the growing Rudy Giuliani scandal regarding his campaign violating election law to fund the Dirty Tricks initiative, but they wanted to be all fair and balanced, so they framed it as some kind of Rudy vs. Hillary battle royale, calling it a “taste of ’08” (apparently the primary season is over.  The NYT said so!).  Which I guess it is; the Democrats will marshal support legally while the Republicans will fight dirty:

Rudy versus Hillary, the West Coast edition – it’s on.

Supporters of Rudolph W. Giuliani and of Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton are embroiled in their first major affray of the political season over a ballot initiative on presidential electoral votes some 2,500 miles from the pancake houses of Skaneateles, N.Y., and the fire stations of Queens.

Uh, no they’re not.  Rudy’s people financed a bid to rig the Presidential election, and the ENTIRE DEMOCRATIC PARTY fought  back.  Clinton was not even the first to officially denounce it.  That was Dodd, followed by Edwards.  No Democrat in their right mind was backing away from this fight.  By contrast, NO prominent Republican was affiliated with the initiative other than Rudy, and even he was doing it in a shady, back-channel way that is only now being revealed.

The weird thing about this article is that one senses Chris Lehane WANTS this to be set out this way, as if to push that Hillary Clinton’s team was the sole defender of the Democratic Party.  That may be a good clipping for him to use when he eventually joins the campaign, but it sells way short the combined efforts of the entire party apparatus, from the grassroots on up.

Giuliani Up To His Ears In Dirty Tricks

Frank Russo has so far had the best coverage of Rudy Giuliani’s involvement in the Dirty Tricks campaign to steal a bunch of California’s electoral votes.  It appears that practically everyone associated with this campaign had a tie to Rudy Giuliani in some form or another.  We already knew that the lone funder, laundered through a hastily assembled LLC in Missouri called “Take Initiative America,” was actually the chair of Giuliani’s northeast funding operation named Paul Singer.  What we didn’t know was that this laundering, crafted to skirt the strict election laws in California, was part of a pattern of interlocking front groups that would hide who was behind this whole thing – perhaps even the candidate himself.  This quote is from Chris Lehane, who was running the opposition to the Dirty Tricks campaign and was in a position to delve pretty deeply into what was going on here. (I know not everyone here’s a fan of Lehane, but this sounds genuine)

“Virtually everyone who was involved in this at every level had a Giuliani connection, and no real connection to the other Republican candidates. Two of the partners at the law firm at the law firm that was responsible for this were Giuliani contributors, including Charles Bell who contributed $1300 days before the initiative was filed and he’s the deputy treasurer. You have Charles V. Hurth III, who does not have a history of political giving–I believe he had given a hundred dollars to a state senator prior to this and he gave $2,000 to Giuliani. You have John Wilcox, who was the spokesperson for Hurth, who comes out of the Bill Simon organization. Bill Simon is a Co-Chair in California for the Giuliani campaign as well as a policy advisor. Kevin Eckerly, the spokesperson for the effort is someone who has been quoted in the press being supportive of Giuliani and the Giuliani campaign. And again, when you went through all of these folks, each and every time, virtually every road ultimately led back to Giuliani.

“And, you know, I’ve said before, I’m originally from the state of Maine. You to bed at night, there’s no snow on the ground, you wake up and there’s snow on the ground. You can pretty safely conclude that it snowed. In an effort like this if everyone who is involved are connected to one Presidential campaign and they continue to gather signatures and you wake up the next day and find out that the person who in fact was funding it was indeed from the Giuliani campaign, I think one conclusion that one can safely draw is that it was the Giuliani campaign that was ultimately behind this.

“When you have a series of shadowy Nixonian front groups that are created to directly impact who the next President of the United States is going to be, then that’s something that is a cause for concern, not only of voters here in California, but all across the country.

I think it’s safe to say that the string-pullers in the Republican Party would be happy with Giuliani as a nominee, mainly because of his faux-moderate stances that play well outside the base, and his willingness to play as dirty as anybody this side of Karl Rove.  “Nixonian” is the key word.  This decade has been filled with ratfucking and voter suppression and all sorts of attempts to influence state and national elections.  The Republicans have time and again seized on the creakiness of the election systems, which vary from state to state, and used everything at their disposal to turn the system against Democrats and toward their own candidates. 

You can absolutely see that Giuliani’s core message that he wants played in the media is that he’s electable.  His strategy memo specifically lists California as one of the states which would suddenly become competitive were he the nominee:

More importantly, the Mayor puts blue states like Connecticut, New Jersey, Wisconsin, California, Oregon, Pennsylvania and Washington in play. Pat Toomey, President of the Club for Growth, states that “If Giuliani wins the nomination, he would be a fascinating candidate in that he really re-draws the map.” Toomey points out that Giuliani could carry New Jersey, Connecticut and Pennsylvania ‘”so he changes the political calculus of the Electoral College dramatically.”9 And Mayor Giuliani may be the only Republican candidate that can now compete and win in Ohio against Hillary Clinton.

If that were the case, he wouldn’t need to finance a dirty trick from behind the scenes that would deliver 20-odd electoral votes to him.  If the states were truly in play, he would play by the rules.  No, this is an attempt to put this map-changing bug in the ear of the media so they’re not surprised by a victory in some blue state, whether it came about legally or not.  It’s the classic strategy of an ultra-confidence public veneer, combined with manipulating results behind the scenes.

There’s already an FEC complaint filed, along with a request to refer the matter to the US Justice Department.  But those investigations will go nowhere, even in the off chance that they are initiated.  This is something that will have to be investigated and dug up.  Take Initiative America was created in one day and suddenly received a $175,000 infusion of cash from a Giuliani fundraiser (and the date of this transaction was – and this is precious – September 11).  Considering that this initiative would impact the Presidential election, no agent of a campaign could contribute more than $2,300.  Furthermore, he violated disclosure requirements.  Here’s some highlights from the press conference following the formal FEC complaint.

So we would very much like the FEC to look into this, to determine what Mr. Giuliani knew, when he knew it, what conversations he and Mr. Singer had about the contribution, about Take Initiative America; how Take Initiative America was created, whose idea was it? Did Mr. Hurth talk to Mr. Singer? How did it come about that $175,000 was transferred the day that the corporation was established? There had to be some coordination there and we’d like the FEC to into it.

The other thing we’d like the FEC to ask is: Where did the $175,000 come from? Did it come from Mr. Singer personally” Or did it come from a corporation that he controls?

If it came from a corporation that he controls, then that too would be impermissible because Federal candidates prohibited under Federal law from soliciting or accepting a contribution from a corporation.

We’re also concerned that there may have been coordination between the Giuliani campaign and Californians for Equal Representation. In fact, Marty Wilson, the chief fundraiser for Equal Representation, who resigned just last week, was quoted in the press as saying that he had “heard” that the Giuliani people were interested in the effort in California, and that they were praying that it would commit–it obviously refers to the money.

This feels like one of those things that starts small and just balloons.  Paul Singer has a colorful past; he’s known as a “vulture,” someone who buys up debt from poor countries and demands payment at a substantial markup.  I’m certain more can be gleaned about this guy, his connection to the Giuliani campaign, and what Rudy himself may have known about his involvement with the Dirty Tricks campaign in California.  These are the kind of things that take down political careers.

Issa: “Nice Committee Chairman You Got There, It’d Be A Shame If Something Happened To Him.”

TPM has the video.

Henry Waxman is doing yeoman work today at a House Oversight Committee hearing on Blackwater, not only taking them to task for the irresonsible and lawless behavior of their security personnel within Iraq, but directly blaming the State Department for blocking meaningful investigation.

Waxman pointed to a Dec. 2006 incident, in which a drunken Blackwater contractor shot the guard of the Iraqi vice president:

The State Department advised Blackwater how much to pay the family to make the problem go away and then allowed the contractor to leave Iraq just 36 hours after the shooting. Incredibly, internal e-mails documented the debate over the size of the payment. The charge d’affaire recommended a $250,000 payment but this was cut to $15,000 because the diplomatic security service said Iraqis would try to get themselves killed for such a large payout.

Waxman noted that in light of such evidence, it’s hard “not come to the conclusion that the State Department is acting as Blackwater’s enabler.”

In response to these revelations, another member of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, Darrell Issa, basically threatened Waxman with a fragging.

If Henry Waxman today wants to go to Iraq and do an investigation, Blackwater will be his support team. His protection team. Do you think he really wants to investigate directly?

It’s hard to characterize this as anything but a veiled threat.  Disgraceful.

(Incidentally, for another California connection, the CEO of Blackwater was an intern for Dana Rohrabacher many years ago.  Can you say “conflict of interest”?)