Tag Archives: CDP

DFA for CDP Reform

An email from Democracy for America:

Your Election in January
Democracy demands participation. You only get a “D” for voting these days; to get an “A” you must run for office! Guess what? There are elections in January and DFA wants you to run.

On the weekend of January 13 and 14, 2007 Democrats all over California will meet to elect delegates for the party. You should run. In 2004, many DFA members ran to fill Assembly District seats and our involvement in these important elections was instrumental in the Party’s support of key candidates who helped take back the Congress and California’s Constitutional Offices last month. With your help, this January we can build on our progressive momentum and continue to shape the Democratic Party’s future.

This is not a small ask, but the rewards of leadership make the difference. Sign up to run for delegate here:

http://www.cadem.org/ApplicationforDelegate

This is what you need to know about the position and your commitment. You must be a registered Democrat in the Assembly District by the close of registration for the November 2006 election. Delegates to the California Democratic Party hold a two-year position. Each Assembly District is entitled to elect 12 delegates to represent each district, evenly balanced between men and women to the extent possible. Delegates are expected to attend the California Democratic Party Convention in San Diego on April 27-29, 2007, and the 2008 Convention in Northern California. Dues are about $150/year, plus travel expenses for the conventions.

It’s time to stand up, show up and speak up. DFA representation in the CDP played a key role in the Party’s nomination of Jerry McNerney, as well as the Party’s support of Debra Bowen and other successful progressive candidates. It is up to you to decide your role in the next elections now. We can work together to make this happen.

I hope you decide to run. We will be with you every step of the way.

Please post your links to CDP reform in the comments.

Crashing the Gate in California

Today, Matt Stoller wrote a list of eight rules for building a progressive America.  One of them concerns putting progressives in charge of the Democratic Party at all levels.

In one month, the California Democratic Party is holding elections for the DSCC (Democratic State Central Committee).  There will be 80 separate caucuses, one for each assembly district, on the weekend of January 13-14.  The 6 men and 6 women who win these elections will become 1/3 of the delegates to the CDP, and will as part of their duties become delegates to the state convention in April, where they can vote on the party platform, party operation and machinery, and specific candidate endorsements.  This is a real opportunity to get progressives and reformers into the state party to attempt to steer it in a direction that is more responsive to the grassroots, more engaged with the electorate, and generally more functional and successful.

I’m going to be running in the 41st Assembly District, and everyone in California who wants to help take back the party should do so as well.  On the flip, I’ll tell you about some of the structures that are already in place to help get progressives elected.

First, there’s a little background you may need to know.  This is not a situation where progressives are starting from scratch.  In the 2005 CDP delegate elections, the opportunity to take back the party was seized by groups like DFA and PDA (Progressive Democrats of America), and was fairly successful.  In fact, the Progressive Caucus of the CDP is the largest caucus in the Party.  But clearly, this was not successful enough to impact real change.  The CDP refused to endorse Prop. 89, the Clean Money Elections initiative, despite the fact that virtually every progressive organization and Democratic club endorsed it.  The number of contacts with voters was, in a word, abominable.  The Democratic wave breaking across the country appeared to end somewhere in Reno.  Democrats did not perform at the level they should have given the mood of the electorate.

There are 3 components to the CDP.  1/3 of the delegates are elected officials, nominees, and appointments.  1/3 come from the county committees, which are weighted by populations.  The final 1/3 are elected in the assembly district caucuses.  So, in order to maximize the impact of these elections, the Progressive Caucus is seeking to run full 12-person slates in each assembly district.  Many of the major grassroots organizations
(Progressive Democrats of America, DFA-Link, SoCal Grassroots) are partnering to help form these slates.  The idea behind the slates is simple: each person brings a certain number of people to the delegate elections, and gets them to vote for everybody on the slate.  If each candidate gets around 10 people, in most districts that will probably be more than enough to put everybody into office.  In some districts, they’re lucky to get 12 people TOTAL to these elections.  The times and locations of the elections are publicized on the Web but not really anywhere else.  It’s a deliberately closed process that seeks to keep power in the hands of those who control the party.  This is an opportunity to distribute that knowledge and use the democratic process to take the party back.

It’s important to note a couple things.  The Progressive Caucus is doing this in a very open-source manner.  They are collecting names from assembly districts all across the country.  Once they have them, they will put out an email to connect those progressives together, so they can discuss how to most effectively get out the vote.  The various district slates will also be able to pick the platform they’d like to have on the back of the slate card.  There’s been a lot of controversy about this.  The initial meeting I attended seemed to suggest that the Progressive Caucus was basing participation on whether or not prospective delegates will agree to vote with the caucus on 5 core issues.  It seemed like the equivalent of a loyalty oath in return for their endorsement and the resources therein.  The five issues are:

-universal health care
-clean money elections
-immediate withdrawal from Iraq
-elimination of poverty
-investigation toward impeachment of the President

That last one was the source of major controversy within the caucus.  I was at the caucus meeting last Friday as part of the CDP executive board meetings in Anaheim, and what amounted to a live version of the impeachment flame war we see here on a daily basis broke out.  Some wanted the last item to read “impeachment”; others wanted “investigation.”  There was vigorous debate and eventually “investigation toward impeachment” won out by a resounding margin.

But here’s the point.  These are the issues that the Progressive Caucus will focus on when it comes to determining a platform.  But they are also the true reformers in the party.  They have actively started a “Red-to-Blue” program to engage Democrats in rural and conservative areas of the state.  Procedurally speaking, they do want to make the party more small-d democratic.  And as for the litmus test, they are leaving it up to the individual progressive slates to decide what issues they want to run on.  It’s democracy in action.  The Progressive Caucus would hope that everyone they decide to endorse would support these broad goals.  But I think they took a lot of heat with their initial rigidity and have opened the tent a little bit, as long as the delegates are committed to progressive principles and the idea of reform in the party.

If you want to take part in this process, the Progressive Caucus has already set up a website, ProgressiveSlate.com, as a clearinghouse for all the information you need to run, an explanation of the duties and responsibilities of a delegate, how to find your assembly district, everything.  Through the site you can contact the people who are collecting all the information about potential candidates.  What you need to know is that the deadline to file your candidacy is January 2, 2007.  The elections will be held the weekend of January 13-14, and the CDP has all the information on time and place centrally located at this site.

I think it’s important for the netroots to get on board with this project.  The grassroots is actually far ahead of us at this point.  But this is a way to strengthen that bond between the two groups, as well as become unified in advocating for reform within the California Democratic Party and a more effective, 80-assembly-district, 53-Congressional-district, 58-county strategy.

Updated Info on Assembly District Election Meetings

The California Democratic Party has just released information on the dates and locations of Assembly District Election meetings, as well as the conveners of those meetings.

This info is subject to change between now and December 21st, of course, but here it is.

Sorry, this is a short diary — gotta get back to work. But figured I would share the info and let y’all discuss, distribute and dissect…

(also, of interest, County [Central Committee] allocations to the DSCC.  My god, L.A. is huge — 199 delegates.)

Another look at County Committee Delegates to the Convention

Following up on this great diary about becoming a delegate from an Assembly District, I just wanted to do one more quick diary about the County Central Committee option.

I didn’t want to put it on the front page, because there is more important information that is going on there, and I think this works just fine in the Diaries section, especially since it is more of a case study of the County I belong to and an extrapolation from there (not to mention the third diary on the topic)…

As mentioned before, the Delegates are broken up as:

Approx. 2826 members
– 960 elected by Assembly Districts
– 933 elected by County Central Committees
– 933 for electeds/nominees and their appointees, State Party officers, and DNC members

If you volunteered extensively for a campaign, you will probably know better than anyone else if you have a chance of getting appointed as part of the “electeds/nominees” delegation.

willy mugobeer‘s diary covered the Assembly districts well.

This is about the County Central Committee delegates.  The bylaws of the CDP specify that:

Each County Central Committee of the Party shall elect, from its own members as defined by its by-laws*, representatives… as follows: four members as base representation, plus one member for each 10,000 registered Democrats or fraction thereof.

Furthermore

Elections shall be held by January 31 following the regular general statewide election…

New Mathematical Dynamics for Next California Redistricting

At the California Progress Report, there is a back and forth on redistricting between Bill Cavala and Frank Russo that seems to be a good summary of the dynamics in the current redistricting debate in Sacramento. Even better might be a recent online poll at the CA Majority Report  which needed but one sentence to highlight the underlying assumptions made by the Democratic Party establishment, asking, “Should CA Democrats back redistricting, even if it means possibly losing majorities in the Capitol?”

But is this a false dichotomy construed from assumptions that have lost relevance, or at least primacy?

In the last redisticting, Democrats ratcheted back on the Phil Burton model with an incumbent protection plan that has resulted in the current stalemate in California, where a single district changing hands is seen as a major occurrence.

In 2006, this “truce” allowed the GOP to retain CA-04, CA-41, and CA-50 — despite outrageous corruption on the part of GOP incumbents. In 2008, for the first time with the current lines, there will be neither a gubernatorial nor senate race to drive GOTV. The lack of competitive congressional and legislative seats could force the Democratic Party presidential nominee to invest in California’s obscenely expensive political economy.

Politics in the next decade will be far different from the Davis/Schwarzenegger years and considering redistricting based on recent history could trap Democrats with a Maginot Line strategy, failing to prepare us for the ramifications of the political transition that has already taken place.

Technology, Geography, & Biological Systems

Our first glimpse of what we will see the next decade actually occurred prior to the last re-districting. In his 2000 presidential campaign, Senator John McCain raised a then-startling $4 million within 48 hours of announcing. While the internet was given the credit, it was primarily telephone contributions that made it an event. Still, technology had circumvented geographic distance.

Since then, the entry barriers to bridging distance have decreased dramatically. Cell phones (many with free evening and weekend long distance) have become ubiquitous. VOIP offers free long distance calls to anyone with a high speed internet connection. The daily use of email has become a social norm. And by the next election a majority of voters will have a minimum of SMS capability via cell phone, with many enjoying the full benefits of the interent — everywhere they go.

In a very important post, Stirling Newberry examines this transition from a mathematical perspective:

A Lévy flight is a random walk where the size of the steps has an infinite variation – they can be small, and tend to be, but there is no limit to how large they can become, and while large steps get smaller and smaller in frequency, they never die out – and where the amount of time between steps is not related to distance. This is the property known as having a heavy tail, and many mathematicians distinguish flights from walks by saying that walks have steps whose time taken is in proportion to the distance travelled. […]

My own interest in Levy flight behavior was sparked at the age of 9, when I noticed that in the north field, plants of a given kind were found in clusters. The pattern implied a mathematics, but mathematics implied something underneath. It would be a long time later that I would understand that there is a locative relationship involved in selection -closer clusters select for individuals with better intra-species competition, that is selfish and sexual signally behavior – while long jump individuals have better inter-species competition. When you are with neighbors of the same kind, holding off the others is easier, but your neighbors are also your competitors for everything including the attention of bees. Alone, you have the grasses and other competitors of other species. This implies that the balance of inter/intra species competition will be influenced by the long jump strategy a species has.[…]

The features of Lévy flight distribution show up with a vengeance with the advent social networking software, because the internet and personal telecom facilitate the “long jumps” needed to create a Levy flight distribution. thus allowing insurgencies to metastasize whether cultural or military – the long jumps radically reduce the distance between two nodes, and the cost of a long jump determines the cohesiveness of the clusters. The cheaper the jump, the greater the cohesion. A random “walk” means that the amount of time for a given move is proportional to distance, a “flight” on the other hand means that all steps take the same amount of time. A “random flight” down Wall Street comes to different conclusions than a random walk – something which Bouchard and Potters detail in their useful text on financial risk and drivative pricing.

As political moves lose proportionality to distance, a geographic emphasis on political campaigning loses efficiency. In other words, the most effective path of influencing a single voter can’t be assumed to be contained within the confines of the district.

Take for instance Charlie Brown’s campaign against Congressman John Doolittle in California’s fourth congressional district. In addition to driving the narrative and volunteers, bloggers raised over $60,000 for Brown via ActBlue. One of the primary sources bloggers relied upon for daily information on the race was a blog named Turn Tahoe Blue. This critical blog is written by a gentleman who lives in….Mannheim, Germany.

Sven chose Tahoe because — I’m not making this up — he was a high school exchange student near Tahoe a decade ago. His introductory post declared:

Since I am not a U.S. citizen and I do not live in the United States I won’t be able to contribute to the efforts of Democrats in the Lake Tahoe area running for office this year. All I have is my laptop and this blog and I will do my best to Turn Tahoe Blue this election year.

Understanding this dynamic is critical to realizing why the 50 State Strategy increases Democratic performance in crucial districts by exciting and inspiring Democrats everywhere.

While most consultants agree that the most effective way to turn out a low-propensity voter is via somebody they know and respect asking them to vote, many still cling to the mistaken assumption that the conduit will live in the same district, or at least another targeted district.

But browse through the “Recent Call” list on your cell phone and I doubt that you will only see people who reside in your assembly district.

While history should be used as a guide, the last half century of redistricting history are less illustrative of what lies ahead than looking at similar periods of transition. Stirling suggests:

Recognizing this – that we are moving from a “random walk” world to a “random flight” world – leads us to look back at other times when there were similar transitions. The printing press in Europe is a well worn example, as is the age of discovery. The late Roman Republic failed to deal with the shift from walk driven Italy politics, to flight driven military and political dynamics that came from being masters of the inland sea.

The expectation of random walk versus the reality of random flight which often causes mismatches and anomalies. Random flights often can send cascades of letters to a congressmen where only a few were expected. Mistaking random flight behavior for random walk behavior leads people to look for conspiracies, because a random flight move is so far out of their normal expectations, that it seems to be produced by design.

That is where disaster lies for the California Democratic Party establishment, a continued inability to diagnose non-geographically bound dynamics prevents a 58 County Strategy despite the fact that such an approach would benefit Democrats no matter how the next lines are drawn.

Moreover, the lack of competitiveness in California provides a severe disincentive to innovate. This has resulted in California no longer leading the nation in campaign tactics.

The lessons the internet has provided in the last few years demonstrate the dynamics that Democrats will face during the next decade:

Internet politics is in the business of joining tight clusters of activity with long leaps that join them – getting people upset with Lieberman and people upset with Conrad Burns to see themselves as part of the same moment – and moving resources rapidly to the point where they will do the most good. “Top Down” and “Bottom Up” structures both want to restrict most people to normal and slow distributions, where, like sheep, they stay in the same places. Lévy flight distribution overturns the entire random walk of equal steps paradigm of social normalcy and organization, whether the space traversed is physical or political.

So, in summary, Paul Pierre Lévy gave us many tools to think about the world, he, and those tools, are only now becoming known, but once an individual has a feel for their signature, they look at the world differently. Suddenly patterns which seem random or coincidental become joined by how the long jump and short cluster relate to each other, finding a game theory matrix where the two forms are joined by some common trade off – the choice that the jumpers make is the opposite of the choice the clusterers make. Since Lévy flights are “natural” in the sense that natural processes result in Lévy distrubtions, and human beings participate in this because we too, are natural, there is no reason to be biased against them in our social organization or legal system, except, of course, that some interests benefit from having people bound all up in close clusters, or by walks rather than taking flight on distributive wings.

Until Democrats realize that progress is in our interests, the incumbency protection paradigm will dominate Sacramento. Redistricting offers an opportunity to force the Democratic Establishment to begin running 21st century campaigns. In fact, it may be the best hope.

CDP Party Line Blog

(Let’s get some discussion going about the CDP’s online presence. It’s surely an area where we can provide the most immediate positive influence. – promoted by SFBrianCL)

On February 1, 2006 the CDP relaunched the Party Line blog by announcing that it would be a place where, “CDP staff members will blog about the inner workings of the party while contributing their perspectives of the events that occur in California and the United States.”

In the ten months since then, there was a primary election, a general election, and 201 posts on the Party Line. As part of the ongoing discussion about CDP resource allocation, I’ve charted the number of posts per month.

California Democratic Party blog posts

What are your thoughts about the Party Line to-date?

What would you suggest to the CDP for the 2008 cycle?

Becoming a Delegate to the CA Democratic Party

(We are getting some attention with this talk. I see this as a very positive thing. We are reinforcing the best parts of the party, not tearing it down. – promoted by marchmoon)

So, you want to rescue the California Democratic party and bring it back to its grassroots?  Get involved by participating in the delegate selection meetings that will occur around the state on January 14th — either by running for a delegate spot yourself, or bringing a bunch of friends to cast votes for the right kind of people.

Here’s the basics.  Specific notification and filing procedures are going to be decided at a CDP Executive Board Meeting next weekend (Dec. 8-9).

1) First, check out this powerpoint presentation and familiarize yourself with the internal structure of the party (click on the “download” link at the lower right of the post).  It’s a little dated in that now, the “Assembly District Committees” have been replaced by the delegate selection meetings described below.  But the majority of the information is still quite accurate.

2. Second, clear your calendar for the afternoon of January 14th, and ask all your friends to do the same.  That’s important — power comes from numbers.  Showing up by yourself won’t carry much weight.

3. Third, find your Assembly district in the list here, and figure out who the chair is.  Is it someone you know?  Friend, foe, or unknown?  (And if you don’t know what Assembly District you live in, you really have no business running for an elected position within the party.  Seriously.)

4.  Contact this person, and ask that they be sure to inform you (as required by CDP bylaws) no later than December 21st of the:

  – date, time and place of the meeting,
  – the rules for participation in the meeting
  – the filing deadlines and rules for candidates for delegate.

(In fact, CDP bylaws require that these conveners of the AD Election meetings must make a reasonable effort to make this effort known to all registered Democrats in the District.)

5. If you want to run for delegate, CDP bylaws provide for “a filing period 12 days prior to the AD Election Meeting” — with details of that yet to be worked out.  So if you want to run, plan to file something with someone in late December.  Your AD Election meeting convener should provide you with this info no later than December 21st.  And you should forward it to every Democrat you know, and ask them to show up.

So there you have it.  One details come out from the Executive Board meeting, I’ll do my best to get another diary up with that information.  Many thanks to Tom Brown and other hard-working DFA supporters and grassroots delegates who’ve been leading the charge to open this process up since 2004.

Now, how many people can YOU get to show up on January 14th?

Taking the Party Back: The 2007 CDP Convention

(More on this soon, but start working towards getting on the State Central Cmte. Also, check out DFA’s Powerpoint presentation available here. – promoted by SFBrianCL)

Well, the 2006 election is over, but there is little time for us to sit on our laurels.  We accomplished a lot, and we need to continue the momentum.  I think we should go to the 2007 California Democratic Party Convention as delegates.

(For those that watch the video linked above, about 2/3 of the way through, the camera swings around and for a little bit is pointing right at me -goofy guy with green shirt, my 15min of fame- with a banner above me that reads “I am the margin of victory.”  That represents what we all are.  WHO we are.  Every bit of ourselves that we put into it makes a difference.)

The convention is being held Friday to Sunday, April 27 to 29 in San Diego, CA.

This is the next part of becoming involved.  We need to increase the membership of the Progressive Caucus of the California Democratic Party:

-We believe that all Citizens are entitled to equal rights and equal treatment under the law, and that no one shall be denied these rights because of gender, race, ethnic origin, sexual orientation, or religion.
-We believe in the separation of Church and State.
-We believe in economic fairness and the right of every American to a job that pays a living wage.
-We believe that pre-emptive war is wrong and that this country should seek solutions to international threats through diplomatic channels and the United Nations.
-We believe that every Citizen is entitled to quality health care and that single payer universal health insurance is a right, not a privilege.
-We believe that the environment is a trust and that we are responsible for preserving it for future generations.
-We believe in the public school system and that every child should have an opportunity for free, quality education in a safe environment.
-We believe that the death penalty is wrong.
-We believe, above all, in the Constitution of the United States and in the right of the People to self-government.

OK, OK, I know you are all down for that.  How do we do it, you ask?  Well this is how it is set up:

CDP – Democratic State Central Committee

Approx. 2826 members
– 960 elected by Assembly Districts
– 933 elected by County Central Committees
– 933 for electeds/nominees and their appointees, State Party officers, and DNC members

What we should be interested in is the 1893 members that are elected at the Assembly District and County Central Committee level.

That is us

If we are registered to vote as a Democrat: Each of us belong to a State Assembly District.  Each of us are members of a County.

And the elections are coming up.  Here is what you need to do:

If you don’t know which assembly district you are in, you can probably figure it out using this map or playing with the maps here.

Once you know, take that information here and get in contact with your Assembly District Committee Chair.  Let them know that you are interested in becoming a delegate.  Let them know the contributions you have made to the party.

The Assembly District elections are being held in early January, so now is the time to start this.

If you want to try to do it on the County side, that is just as good, but get in contact with your County Committee right away.  The election will probably be in December.  But, the same thing goes.  Let them know you are interested, and what you have done.

Maybe you can try one and then the other, if you can’t get in the first try.

Let me tell you how it is working in my County, Contra Costa County.  Contra Costa County has parts of 3 Assembly Districts in it.  The county is choosing its delegates at the next meeting, December 21.  We have 28 slots to fill.  I can tell you right now, we probably will not be able to fill all of those slots.

Anybody out there live in Contra Costa County?

In addition, each of the 3 Districts with which Contra Costa County overlaps will be sending their own delegates.

The 14th Assembly District (in which I live) will be electing 14 delegates on (last I heard) January 13.  I am not as familiar with the goings on there, but I assume there are plenty of volunteers for those slots.  That district includes Berkeley, which is in Alameda County.

So there it is in a nutshell.  Who is going to San Diego in April?  Anything to add?  Did I forget to address something?

Rescue the California Democratic Party

(Good piece to start a discussion with. – promoted by bolson)

The California Democratic Party is in trouble.  Whereas on the national level grassroots Democrats have done a good job of wresting the DNC out of the hands of the corrupt (and corrupting) corporate donor types, on the state level we haven’t been able to do the same yet.  The two examples I have of the problems with the state party are the money laundering for Fabian Nunez and the failure of the wealthy elites who run the party to stand behind Angelides.  See below the fold for more.

First, the money laundering.  According to the Foundation for Taxpayer and Consumer Rights, Fabian Nunez took several million dollars from AT&T in exchange for pushing this year’s bill to deregulate cable and internet video services.  Not only did he do it, but he did it through the CDP.  The press release is here

Next, the wealthy elites.  In August we were treated to a disturbing quote from the co-chair of DiFei’s reelection campaign.  Keep in mind that Phil Angelides’ tax plan was to increase the burden on the extremely wealthy but not on anyone else.  From the San Francisco Chronicle:

“A number of my Democratic friends, who have raised lots of money for Democrats, have said they cannot support Phil,” said Angela Bradstreet, a well known San Francisco attorney and co-chair of Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s re-election campaign. “This is the first time I can remember it being so pronounced.”

Bradstreet, a Democrat who said she is voting for Schwarzenegger, argued that the governor has re-established himself as a moderate who has shown strong leadership on economic issues.

“Quite frankly, I’m also sick and tired of paying taxes,” she said. “And that’s Angelides’ solution — raising taxes.”

Between these two examples, it is clear to me that the CDP is not being run in the best interests of most California Democrats.  It reminds me of the way the DNC used to be run for the national donor elite, except we were able to recapture the DNC with a fairly simple formula: the DNC chair is apparently elected by the various state parties, and running on a platform of giving more money to the state parties and less to the high-priced media consultants favored by the donor elite, Howard Dean cruised to victory.  This obviously infuriated the donor elite, but the party’s grassroots saved the day with a lot of small donations to keep the party going. 

I’m not sure how the leadership of the California state party is determined, so maybe someone could tell me: what would be the equivalent way to seize power for the people within California?  What would be the structual opportunities and limitations?  And what would be the risks?  As a native Californian, I’m embarassed that so many other states elected Democratic governors this cycle while Democratic juggernaut California couldn’t keep pace.

Cross-posted at DailyKos and MyDD.  I am affiliated with the University of Chicago Democrats.

What’s Up With California?

(Another perspective. – promoted by SFBrianCL)

x-posted on MyDD

Think of this as a follow up post to Matt Stoller’s post that touched on wasted money in CA, why we came close too losing a seat and why Arnold’s landslide victory didn’t come with coattails.

In the year and a half I have spent out here in California I have learned a lot of things.  One of the biggest lesson is that politics is just bigger here, especially the money.  $646,091,654 was hauled in by all campaigns in California this year alone.  One person can give $100,000 to governors races.  Anyone with $1 million can pay people to gather signatures and get an initiative on the ballot.  Once it is up there they can collect unlimited sums to pass it.

Yeah, I know all of this sounds like an endorsement for Prop. 89, but it isn’t.  That initiative was way before its time and tried to do to much at once.  The way to campaign finance reform in California is public financing of elections that does not just rely on corporate taxes to finance it.  Reforming the ballot process needs to be dealt with separately.  The attempt this year to do both at the same time and make corporations pay the biggest burden allowed way to many people who should be endorsing public financing to work for its defeat.  It should help kick off a discussion of the next attempt at reform, but that was not the vehicle.  It will take a number of years of coalition building to get it passed.

The other major thing I have learned, particularly this year is that the California Democratic Party is pretty ineffective.  Here is the Courage Campaign’s Rick Jacobs writing over at the insider CA Majority Report.

As Joel Wright put it, the California Democratic Party simply failed. The Party says it attempted about 750,000 contacts. As of the end of October, it had made about 135,000 actual contacts. With 7.1 million registered Democrats, Democratic registration at about 42% and dropping, decline-to-state at about 20% and rising and a headwind of considerable speed at the top of the ticket, we might think that a bit more attention would be given to voter contact and turn out; it was not. And even though the state is hopelessly gerrymandered, what might have happened in a year of a Democratic tsunami had a real turn out machine been at work? Might we have won at least the Doolittle seat in Congress? Might Propositions 86 and 87 have passed?

They had 51 offices across the state and hired organizers.  We got little out of it.  The CDP is contending that they focused their efforts in LA County, where turnout was 3% higher than 2002.  The problem with that is that 2002 was historically pretty low turnout levels.  We were looking to reach 1998 numbers and failed miserably.

While our GOTV was bad, the Republicans was even worse.  They spent $20 million on a micro targeting special, run by the supposed genius Matthew Dowd.  Arnold refused to campaign with the other statewide candidates, but promised them that the big GOTV operation would make up for it and bring them to victory.  It didn’t.

The effort, Victory ’06, cost $20 million. It was a colossal failure. Just take a look at the relative voter turnouts in two important counties for each partisan camp.

In Alameda County, where Democrats outnumber Republicans 4 to 1, turnout was 55 percent. In Riverside County, where Republicans enjoy a big advantage in voter registration, turnout was 35 percent.

To be sure, the Riverside turnout percentage will rise after all the late absentee ballots are counted, but this much is clear: Republicans weren’t able to turn out their voters.

55 is pretty bad, but man 35 is atrocious.  Arnold campaigned for himself.  While he won 93% of the his own party that made it to the polls, he did nothing to encourage them to get there in the first place.  Yesterday, the major independent pollster laid out what happened for the press.  This is from the LAT political blog.

Craptacular Turnout: “Another way that California distinguished itself from the U.S. in this election was voter turnout,” DiCamillo said. “While turnout was up nationally, interest was high, here in California we probably set an all-time low for a statewide election in turnout. It’s hard to believe that we would have a lower turnout than the [Gray Davis-William Simon gubernatorial] race of four years ago, but it seems that way, all the votes are not yet counted but it will probably be somewhere in the 50% of registered voters as a turnout. We’re probably looking at a structural, long-term factor of low turnout. In primary elections we’re looking at 1 out of 3 registered voters turning out. In general elections we’re looking at about 1 out of 2. I think that’s going to carry on for the foreseeable future.”

Really Absentee Voters: “A lot of this has to do I think with the changing demographics of California voters,” DiCamillo said. “If you look at the two fastest-growing voter registration groups…they’re Latinos and nonpartisans. Both of those voting groups are much less frequent voters than older voters, white voters, partisans. In the primary, for example, 89% of all voters were Democrats or Republicans. So even though we have this massive increase in nonpartisan registration, they don’t show up at the polls. They’re infrequent voters.”

So what should have been spent on politics this year?  Matt is absolutely right about voter registration and outreach to Latinos.  Our problem in California is not that the public does not support progressive values, it is that the voting public does not reflect the demographics of California.  The PPIC put out an interesting poll in August that compared the political opinions of voters to non-voters.  I am borrowing liberally from Frank Russo’s post.

Bond issues such as the affordable housing bond (Prop 1 ) would easily pass. 80% of nonvoters would support it, but fewer (49% according to the PPIC, higher according to other polls) of likely voters favor this bond issue.

California would provide more services and pay higher taxes. Nonvoters prefer higher taxes with more services to lower taxes and fewer services 66% to 26%, but likely voters are in favor only 49 to 44%.

Even Proposition 13, limiting property taxes, might be changed?or at least a dialogue started. Nonvoters think this has been a bad policy by 47 to 29%, but likely voters think it has been good by 56 to 33%.

Odds on the Governor?s re-election would also change with nonvoters disapproving of him 61 to 21% as compared with voters approving 48 to 42%.

It would be easier to meet the two-thirds requirement for passing local special taxes including school construction bonds.

There are large racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic differences between voters and nonvoters that underlie much of the differences in opinions:

The majority of likely voters are age 45 or older (62%), have household incomes of $60,000 or more (56%), and have college degrees (53%). By contrast, the vast majority of nonvoters are younger than age 45 (76%), and only 18% have household incomes of $60,000 or more, and only 17% have college degrees.

Although no racial or ethnic group constitutes a majority of Californians, whites are 70% of likely voters, and Latinos, Blacks and Asians are underrepresented in the voting population.

Although one in three adults in California are foreign born, 90% of likely voters are native born.

A vast majority of likely voters (77%) are homeowners whereas 66% of nonvoters are renters.

The bottom line is that while our party’s efforts were bad, the Republicans are even worse.  Voters in California are not representative of residents.  We need to put together a massive grassroots voter registration drive and GOTV effort.  California can lead the way for the rest of the country, but we will not move forward by spending $40 million on progressive ballot initiatives that don’t have a shot because we don’t have the voters in the first place.  There is a lot of potential here.  The Republicans have already started moving right.  They have no bench behind Arnold.  We can ensure Democratic domination for decades, but he have to put in the hard work.