Walters: Not Worth Fixing 2/3rds Rule

David hits Jim Boren for a “pox on both your houses” column.  I  guess there is something in the air, because Dan Walters has a pretty similar one today.  Walters starts off pretty strong, bashing Arnold for is failure to live up to his “reform” campaign promises and contributing to the dysfunction.  Then he decides to tackle the 2/3rds rule and concludes that changing it will be just as bad.

It is, critics say, undemocratic, and they have a point. But in a crude way, the two-thirds vote does provide at least some check on what probably would be an even less seemly process were it to be replaced by a simple-majority vote, giving the majority party full power. This year’s melodrama indicated what would happen.

Democrats clandestinely loaded up the budget “trailer bills” with all sorts of extraneous stuff, some of it pork barrel spending and some of its completely disconnected to the budget, but the GOP Senate holdout at least gave the public and the media an opportunity to examine the bills in detail, and some of the more questionable items were removed.

I don’t know what world Walters is living in, but the Republican holdout was not over the trailer bills.  The ability to look at the makeup of the bills was an unintended benefit.  The overall cost to the state was much worse

Without the 2/3rds rule there would not be a big time crunch on passing the budget.  There would only be two sides for negotiations: the Democrats in the legislature and the governor.  Now that assumes Democratic control of both houses, but really, that is a pretty safe assumption.  That should eliminate the ability to ram through trailer bills and also the need to create side deals with the Republicans.

With a simple-majority vote, we probably would see a return to the secret drafting of the state budget that was commonplace before reforms were installed in the mid-1970s, giving California something akin to the corrupt “earmarking” and other noxious practices of the federal budget.

Were the two-thirds vote to be abolished, therefore, we would need some process safeguards to replace it, including a full public airing of the trailer bills before their passage.

We need a full airing of all bills.  There is nothing special about the trailer bills.  If there is a real issue with earmarking, we need to put a rule in place for disclosure.  We should know who is asking for what and let them defend that request.  I agree with Walters that there needs to be sunshine, however that should not stop us from working to eliminate the 2/3rds rule.  If conservatives are worried about earmarking, that should be included in negotiations.  I doubt that they would find a whole lot of opposition, after all that’s what the Dems have been pushing for on a national level.

A Modest Proposal From The Fresno Bee

Columnist Jim Boren boldly calls for anarchy.

The only thing the 52-day budget stalemate proved is how irrelevant the California Legislature has become. Change a few laws and we wouldn’t need them at all.

State Senate President Pro Tem Don Perata wants to reform the state budget process. I say reform the whole bunch out of business. Nothing the legislators have done over the past two months — maybe the past several decades — has made life better for Californians.

This guy’s the editor of the editorial page, and a crank, so he doesn’t appear to examine the reasons WHY the legislative process is stalled.  This is classic “a pox on both your houses” editorializing, the likes of which you’d typically find in the back of a bar.  And I would guess this pretty much molds political opinion for many in the Central Valley, where independence is no doubt prized.

more…

Scratch about an inch beneath the surface and you see how shallow this line of thinking is.  I’ve perused a lot of Boren’s editorials, and they all fall along these lines, begging for some favored political structure in the hazy, Vasoline-smeared lens of the distant past.  There are never any solutions put forth other than bromides like “let the people decide!” (yeah, direct democracy’s worked out amazing so far).  And there’s never any analysis of the specifics of how we’ve gotten to this point, like the rare 2/3 requirement for budget passage.  It’s just a lament, a laundry list of problems without the courage to offer a solution.  And this line of thinking is as debilitating to progress as the problems themselves.  It sets up a  learned helplessness where everyone assumes that City Hall can’t be fought, that the structural issues in government are immutable.  In a word, it’s lazy, and it has no place in serious discourse.  And yet it often stands in for that discourse.  I wish these editorializers wouldn’t see being a crank as the ultimate seriousness and would have the courage to take a stand.

Senator Kuehl on the 2007-2008 budget

(Thanks Sen. Kuehl! Keep on fighting! – promoted by Brian Leubitz)

The Budget Process Through July 21st

This is my third essay for 2007 and the first one I have done on the 2007-2008 budget, which has now passed, after a series of cuts and more cuts.  In this first of several essays on the budget, I will set out some of the provisions of the budget originally agreed to by the budget conference committee, the changes that were made to that budget in the Assembly in order to get 6 Republican votes and the reasons for the two-month stalemate in the Senate. Visit my website at www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl to read my previous essays. If you wish to subscribe to receive these essays on a continuing basis, (no charge), please send an e-mail to [email protected], titled “subscribe”.

Edits by Brian For form and space only. See the flip…

Budget Process, January to June

The Governor sends his proposed budget to the two houses of the Legislature in January, shortly after his “State of the State” speech.  It is immediately divided into four or five sections and given to the budget sub-committees in each house to analyze, critique, change and adopt, piece by piece.  Each administrative Agency and unit appears before a budget sub-committee to defend their budget.  In May, the Governor submits a revised budget, called the “May Revise”, based on adjusted (tax) income and expense figures for the current year and expected savings or increases. 

Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of individual line items are adopted in exactly the same language by the budget sub-committees in both houses of the legislature.  These provisions become a part of the budget without going to the budget Conference Committee for resolution, as none is needed.  Those items that are different in the Senate and Assembly versions of their budget sections are sent to the budget Conference Committee where the differences are ironed out and one budget is presented for adoption by both houses.

The Big Four or The Big Five

At the close of the Conference Committee, the closed door dealing among the leaders of both houses and the Governor begins.  This is often referred to as a meeting of the Big Five. Unlike previous governors, however, during the Schwarzenegger administration, the Governor is often absent from these deliberations and the four house leaders are left to try to iron out the differences and horse trade on their own.  This was the case with discussions on the bond package from last year and the prison “reform” package this year.  And it was the case with negotiations related to the Conference budget and cuts taken, as shown below, to get Republican votes on the budget in the Assembly on July 19th.

Why Do We Need Republican Votes on the Budget?

In California, Rhode Island and Arkansas, a 2/3 vote by each house of the state Legislature is required to adopt a budget.  In the other 47 states, only a majority is required, which means that the majority party is held to account for their budget and their priorities, and the voters judge them on those priorities.  In California, the budget is generally held hostage by the minority party (I was in the minority in my first two years in the Assembly), because the budget vote is the only issue the minority can truly affect.

The Conference Budget Before Changes by the Big Four

The Budget put forward by the Conference Committee was already a lean and mean budget in many ways.  It was leaner than the Governor’s May Revision proposal, but managed to reject the Governor’s proposed cuts to CalWorks kids only grants, retained a cost of living increase for the poorest CalWorks working recipients, (however, putting that increase off for six months), and retained funding for the homeless mentally ill the Governor had wanted to cut.  In addition, the Conference budget moved $500,000,000 worth of transit money to the general fund, in order to fill some of the “structural deficit”: the difference between revenues and expenditures.  The reserve was a healthy one: about two billion, approximately what the Governor had in his budget.  The revenue assumption included a $4.8 billion fund balance brought over from last year’s budget, $102.3 billion in revenues and $103 billion in expenditures. The final General Fund reserve in the Conference Budget was projected at $3.4 billion. 

Additional cuts and tax credits added by Assembly

The Budget, as originally passed by the Assembly, reflected even deeper cuts, including deleting all funding for CalWORKs cost-of-living adjustments; providing no General Fund help to cover student fee increases at UC and CSU; delaying, from January to June, the state portion of the SSI/SSP cost-of-living adjustment; reducing funding for Proposition 36; and increasing the monies shifted from public transit to the General Fund to a total of $1.2 billion. 

The budget, as passed by the Assembly and sent over to the Senate on July 19, provided full funding for growth and a cost of living adjustment for K-12 education but did not create new programs, rejected the Governor’s bid to cut $314 million in CalWORKs that would have penalized children and families seeking to become self-sufficient, invested in a 5 percent rate increase for foster family homes, restored $26 million in academic preparation programs at UC and CSU, and included $1.6 billion to fully fund Proposition 42 (transportation). (This is different from the projects that would have been funded by the gas tax revenues shifted into the general fund and referred to, above.)

The Assembly Vote on the Budget

This year, the Assembly voted on the Budget before the Senate, in one marathon session on Thursday night, July 19th.  The Republicans in the Assembly held out for a number of changes until 4:30 in the morning, when they negotiated a $500,000,000 tax credit package in a separate bill, sent the budget to the Senate and left town.

The Senate’s Deliberations on the Budget

Perhaps “deliberations is not quite the right word.  The budget and all the trailer bills (except the amazing tax credit package, which had come out of nowhere) were put up for a vote the next day, Friday, July 20th.  Each budget vote garnered 25 Democrats for, 14 Republicans against and one abstaining.  27 votes are required to adopt the budget and the trailer bills.  The bills were put “on Call” while President pro Temps Perata attempted to get two Republicans to vote.  Throughout the next 23 hours, as all Senators remained on the Floor of the Senate (trying to sleep, if at all, in their chairs or taking turns on the couches), the Republican caucus made their demands clear: they would not vote for a budget unless another $700,000,000 was cut from the budget in order that revenues and expenses would zero out.  Even though there is a very healthy reserve, that was not sufficient.  At 10am Saturday morning, July 21, we were adjourned, with no budget and no budging by the Republicans.

Next…..

Senator Perata told minority leader Senator Ackerman that morning that if his Republican caucus were simply continuing to say “no”, they needed to come up with their own budget, one that clearly showed the cuts they wanted to make.  On Wednesday, July 25th, with the Senate again in session, the Republicans failed to present a budget, but had given the press a list of cuts they would like to make to “balance” the budget, including eliminating the subsistence CalWorks payment made to children whose parents have been unable to find work and have “timed out” of CalWorks, or for children of undocumented parents. The demands also included transferring the 200 million left in the gas tax transportation account that had not already been swept into the budget, into the General Fund, leaving several current transportation projects without funding; exempting certain construction projects from the California Environmental Quality Act relating to greenhouse gas emissions; and attempting to add parental consent for reproductive services for minors in the budget, which the electorate of California has turned down twice.

The next day, Senator Ackerman indicated he did not want the Republican budget to be heard on the floor because even his caucus was divided on it.  The Governor was unable to secure the two Republican votes needed to pass the budget in the Senate.  Republican Senators refused to meet with the Governor and, as the days passed, instead of working on a compromise, the Republican caucus simply increased their demands, cheerfully indicating that they were dedicated to holding out until the Assembly returns into session so they could reopen the entire budget.

No Budget…No Money

For state services, for hospitals, for K-12 education, for community colleges.

See the next essay for the resolution, such as it is, to the budget stalemate.

Dick Ackerman’s Certificate Of Merit

(Here’s a Word doc of the Certificate. You can fax a PDF with a free trial at fax1.com.

Apparently fax1.com requires a non-free email service. If you want to send a free fax and you only have Yahoo! Mail or Gmail, use Fax Zero. – promoted by David Dayen)

This will be faxed to Sen. Ackerman’s office today:

CERTIFICATE OF MERIT

The National Coalition of Yacht Owners Who Hate The Homeless (NCYOWHTH) proudly bestows this award upon State Senate Minority Leader Dick Ackerman (R-Irvine), who has the courage and foresight to be a yachting enthusiast and not a mentally ill homeless person, and is therefore eligible for a major tax break instead of having his social services eliminated.  As an organization of yachters who will also benefit from the same tax cut to the tune of $45 million dollars, coincidentally almost the same amount that would fund the rehabilitation program for mentally ill homeless people, we applaud this setting of the real priorities for our state.  Sen. Ackerman has been a leader in the twin fields of yachting and not being homeless for many years, and we are pleased to award this certificate today.  We ask you to be the keynote speaker at The National Coalition of Yacht Owners Who Hate The Homeless clam bake in Tustin later this year.  After all, there wouldn’t be an organization this strong without you.

Sincerely,
David Dayen
Executive Director, The National Coalition of Yacht Owners Who Hate The Homeless

You can send this too:
Capitol Office fax: (916) 445-9754
District Office fax: (714) 573-1859

Pre-empting a Recess Appointment of Gonzalez

As you probably already know, Alberto Gonzalez announced his resignation today.  He said he won’t be stepping down until September 17.  And Harry Reid has apparently made some deal with Bush that Bush won’t do any recess appointments while Congress is out of session.

However, don’t you think we should know better than to trust any deal with Bush? 

Already there is a push from the right to do a recess appointment according to Josh Marshall. 

We need to cut off this option by getting on our leadership and our individual state Senators to have a pro forma session in Congress, which could forestall Bush from appointing anyone without Senate confirmation.  These are not normal times – we need to do this. 

My suggestion: Call Harry Reid, and ask that he do a proforma session as a preventative measure.

Call Feinstein and Boxer, and ask them to get Reid to do a proforma session and, because it’s so important, to offer to participate in it themselves.

I think that last part is key, because if Reid doesn’t get any volunteers, he’s not going to be able to do it. 

Capital Hill operator: 202-224-3121

If enough people make the 3 calls, we could get their attention. 

Young Voters STRONGLY Democratic – So Why Does Carla Marinucci Focus on Republicans?

A poll by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner for Democracy Corps, surveying us folks in the 18-29 age group, show that 50-60% of us believe the Democrats are better on any given issue than the Republicans. It’s a portrait of a generation that grew up under conservative rule – and by witnessing its effects and costs firsthand, has utterly rejected it.

But in the first traditional media article on this quite significant poll, Carla Marinucci tells a rather odd story about this. To her, the only story here is that young voters dislike the Republican Party. Which we do, no doubt about it. But her article is filled with quotes from Republicans young and old about why we’ve abandoned them.

Nowhere does she ask the more obvious question: why are we so strongly identifying with Democrats? If it was just alienation from Republicans why don’t we become apathetic? Why aren’t we identifying as independents?

I’ve got more to say, but before the flip, I want to cut to the chase: we have a lot of people here age 18-29. In the comments, do what Marinucci refused to do: explain why you don’t just reject the Republicans, but also why you so strongly embrace the Democrats. Why are you a proud Democrat?

Some examples of Marinucci’s rather odd framing of these poll results:

Young Americans have become so profoundly alienated from Republican ideals…The startling collapse of GOP support among young voters…The anti-GOP shift for this generation…

The only Democrat quoted is our old buddy Garry South, who has this to say:

Schwarzenegger’s success at the polls won’t translate to other Republican candidates.

South pointed toward the recent state budget battle, which pitted Schwarzenegger and Democratic legislators against conservative GOP senators who delayed the $145 billion budget for almost two months to pressure for more cuts and protections for businesses against environmental lawsuits.

The demands of the state senators, South said, were so far to the right of the average voter that “the Republican brand in California now is so tainted and toxic that the only way you’re going to win is to buy yourself out of the brand.”

Here, South is absolutely right about the suicide pact that is the California Senate Republican caucus. But wouldn’t it have made sense to give readers some other sense of why we young folks are flocking to the Democrats? Couldn’t Marinucci have spoken to some young Democrats as well as young Republicans, young conservatives?

Consider it a kind of political migration. Demographers and historians have long understood that in any migration, there are two factors that must be explained if you are to understand that migration: push factors, and pull factors. Marinucci explains the push factor, but has nothing at all to say of the pull factor. In framing the story as she does, she misses a chance to educate her readers about what is actually behind this phenomenon.

The number of young voters is rising, both in raw numbers as well as our percentage turnout. And we’re voting for Democrats, in large numbers. If Marinucci really does believe this could have an effect on electoral politics for “generations to come” then shouldn’t she explain why we are embracing the Democrats?

***

I’m 28 years old, still in the age group this study showed had turned so far left. Why do I vote for Democrats? Why do I favor them on the issues? Why do I believe they are better for California and America than the Republicans?

I did not always support the Democrats. Although I abandoned my youthful, immature conservatism in high school, when I first registered to vote in 1997 I registered as a Green. I was an active campaigner for Ralph Nader in 2000, believing the Democrats to be too close to the Republicans on most major isuses.

When I moved to Washington State in 2001 I learned that one does not declare a party affiliation at registration. Which suited me fine, I considered myself a left-wing independent, still alienated from the Democrats, although I still rejected the Republicans utterly.

But when I returned to California in June, I did indeed register as a Democrat. What changed?

While I still find myself in passionate – and sometimes bitter – disagreement with the actions of elected Democrats, I believe they represent my own values far more than any Republican ever can or will.

Republicans have destroyed California, I’ve seen it happen over the course of my life. They call themselves a political party but are in truth little more than a protection racket for a minority of residents: white suburban homeowners over the age of 40. Although not all in that group are Republican – many in fact are Dems – it is that group that Republican policies and rhetoric are designed to aid. (Even if, in fact, those white suburban homeowners don’t benefit from Republican government – the only consistent beneficiaries are the wealthy, and large businesses).

Republicans have destroyed our infrastructure, our schools, our health care system, our public services. Their zealotry on tax cuts has saddled us young folks with huge loan debts and yet their tax cuts have also failed to create jobs or earning power for us, as a California Budget Project study revealed last week. And they insist on attacking us, or our friends. When we see attacks on gays or on Latinos or on African Americans, we see not scapegoating of outsiders, but vicious assaults on ourselves, or on people we have always been close to.

But we don’t just reject the policies that have screwed us younger folks. We actively embrace the Democrats. In stark contrast to the Republicans, the Dems offer actual solutions. These solutions aren’t always good enough – but it’s the promise that the Democrats can be convinced to embrace our agenda, the belief that the old Democratic Party of the mid-20th century – liberals of the New Deal – can be reborn.

Many of us young people lack health care, or find that what coverage we do have leaves our wallets empty. Democrats, led by Senator Sheila Kuehl, offer us a single-payer universal health care program. Dems fight for more funding for schools, so that we can get an affordable education. They fight for more infrastructure projects, especially mass transit, so we can get around safely, without having to rely on a car (thus saving us money). Led by Rep. Hilda Solis, they want to create green jobs, so that all of us can have a better economic future in the 21st century.

And Democrats embrace us. They aren’t a protection racket for well-off middle-aged white folks, the Dems instead welcome and support young voters, and their rich diversity.

It is because we believe the Democrats can offer us a better future that we embrace them. All the Republicans have to offer is a continuous extension of the 20th century, a model that has failed for most Californians. But as I’ve argued, it’s not just that we reject Republicanism. We embrace the Democrats. And as long as Carla Marinucci refuses to recognize that fact, the changing nature of California and American politics will escape her.

McNerney’s Comments from Blog Sessions

I was intending to post a diary that contained all of the comments that Jerry had from the Firedoglake blog session on Friday, and then make some observations.

However, I realized halfway through that the formatting involved is not worth it, and in any case, you can read through McNerney’s comments quickly by just searching “McNerney says”. 

A few things that I had wanted to emphasize with his words:

Jerry’s refrain that he wants a withdrawal from Iraq to begin now and and end on a date certain is very loophole-sounding.  I believe he does want us out of Iraq, and doesn’t envision us there in three.  So why does he just want a date certain?  That could be 2010, that could be 2020.  He doesn’t have such a conflicted view on getting us out that he needs to use wishy-washy language such as this, does he?

Then, we get his statements about reasonable Republicans, and words like these which much credit where none is due:

I believe many R’s are very anxious to find some way to end this thing asap.

Every Democrat, especially in public, needs to stick to the line that unless you vote in Congress to end the war, then you’re not on board.  I would think a better response would be, “These comments from [Republican congressman] sound encouraging, but we’ll wait to see whether this translates into them actually voting in congress to make what they want happen – there will be opporunities for them to do so very soon”. 

Jerry’s comments help create a class of less-culpable Republicans on Iraq by allowing them to distance themselves from Bush in appearance but not in reality.  They never break with Bush, but they get good cred for sounding like in their heart of hearts they know the war’s wrong.

That’s why all the giddiness over John Warner saying some of the troops should be withdrawn is kind of silly — he’s not even saying he’ll vote with Democrats on actual bills which would accomplish something.

August 26, 2007 Blog Roundup

Today’s Blog Roundup is on the flip. Let me know what I missed.

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Budgets are Moral
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