Stop the Corporate Power Grab Act

(Welcome to the new and improved Alliance for a Better California 2012. They’ll be fighting the awful paycheck deception measure on the November ballot. – promoted by Brian Leubitz)

By Brian Brokaw, Alliance for a Better California 2012

Jon Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association – who makes his healthy living (last reported to be $300,000 annually) fundraising, concealing, and dispensing special interest money through what the Sacramento Bee calls “a sophisticated series of nonprofit corporations and political action committees” – this week issued a righteous call to “STOP SPECIAL INTEREST MONEY.” How about that?  

Of course, anyone who has followed California politics over the last few decades knows that the group founded by the late Jarvis, now led by Coupal, is one of the biggest, most powerful, most-entrenched special interests under the dome.  As the Bee’s Dan Morain notes, “[Jarvis] is part of the Republican establishment, almost always aligned with Chamber of Commerce and real estate interests, and often with tobacco, oil, gambling and other big businesses.” Of course, we don’t know exactly who funds Jarvis’ activities because they don’t have to tell us – but it’s a safe bet that elderly homeowners on fixed incomes didn’t fund the nearly $7 million that Jarvis raised in 2010.

Continued…

Coupal’s blog post hits the nail on the head, however, when he notes that some politicians “are making war against regular folks, while assisting narrow, well-heeled, special interests to prosper.” That is exactly the aim of the “Stop Special Interests Now Act” – better described as the “Corporate Power Grab Act” – upon which Coupal lavishes his blatantly disingenuous, self-serving praise.

The “Stop Special Interest Money Now Act” purports to be a “simple, fair and balanced solution…limiting both corporate and union political giving.” The initiative’s proponents claim that the measure bans both corporate and union contributions to candidates, prohibits campaign contributions from government contractors, prohibits corporations and unions from collecting political funds from employees and members via voluntary payroll deduction, and makes all employee political contributions by any other means strictly voluntary, requiring annual written consent. Sounds fair and balanced, right?

Take a closer look: a giant loophole in the Corporate Power Grab Act will allow corporations to continue to make unlimited political contributions supporting or opposing candidates, without restrictions, and unlimited contributions to ballot measures – while silencing unions.

The measure says it will stop corporations and unions from collecting political funds through payroll deductions — but corporations almost never use payroll deductions to collect funds to support or oppose candidates or ballot measures; they use their corporate profits. Corporations already spend 15-times as much as unions spend on political contributions, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Unions, of course, collect dues from members through payroll deduction to represent those members in bargaining, advocacy and politics.

That brings us back to Coupal. His real agenda behind backing this phony measure is pretty clear. If this measure were to pass, it would effectively silence the voice of working families while giving corporations free rein to exert even more influence over our political system. The huge loophole in the measure would allow corporations to spend without any limits using a web of shadowy front groups, big business associations and corporate Super PACs.  Coupal and his corporate supporters know all too well that this measure won’t do anything to curb corporate influence on politics. It’s just common sense that Coupal wouldn’t support any sensible reforms that would strike at the heart of the real problem in politics: unchecked corporate power.  What the measure would do is to make it virtually impossible for workers to speak with a collective voice to counterbalance corporate influence. Remember that 15-1 figure mentioned earlier. If Coupal and his big corporate allies succeed in passing this bogus measure, corporations will outspend unions by 1000 to 1, if not more.  

Coupal and his backers know all of this. Why won’t they just fess up to their true motives?

There is only one answer to that question: it’s simply a corporate power grab. Unions fight for fair wages and benefits, for workplace safety, for smaller class size in our schools, for better health care for our children and senior citizens, and to keep our communities safe with adequate police and fire protection.  Most of these battles occur in city council or county supervisor chambers, in school board rooms, in the state Legislature or through initiatives on the ballot.  If working people with middle class values are eliminated from the political arena, large corporations and business interests will have free rein to do whatever they want to grow their profits.

That would be good news for Jon Coupal and the corporate giants who fund him to do their bidding. But it would be a disaster for California’s middle class.  

Nerd Out with the Sac Press Club

If only it weren’t true…

by Brian Leubitz

Because the world hasn’t seen enough of the sh*t __ says videos, the Sacramento Press Club thought they’d toss one more into the mix.  And of all the sh*t says videos, well, this is certainly one of them.

So Cal Water Chairman’s $15,000 “Oversight”

John Earl

Surf City Voice

www.surfcityvoice.com

(This is from my independent news blog from Orange County. I write about water issues from a progressive perspective). This article was published 2/13/2012

Lately, southern California’s top water official, John V. Foley, has been explaining his apparent violations of a state law that requires public officials to disclose their economic interests.

Foley is chairman of the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California (MWD).

The Surf City Voice recently reported that Foley, who was appointed to the MWD by the Municipal Water District of Orange County (MWDOC), failed to report an estimated $248,000 of income that his wife, Mary Jane Foley, earned as a consultant for various water agencies in Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego counties, going back to 2004. That disclosure came from public records obtained by the Voice.

Now, more public records obtained since then reveal that Foley also failed to report over $15,000 of his own income as a private consultant for the Moulton Niguel Water District (Moulton) in south Orange County going back to late 2008.

His failure to report that income was “an oversight,” Foley told the Voice.

The newly obtained documents include the invoices that Foley filed at Moulton when he worked as a private consultant for that agency under a contract (also obtained by the Voice) that is still open.  But he did not report that income on the original financial disclosure (700) forms he filed with the MWD nor in amended versions that followed, records show.

Explanations

Foley, who originally told the Voice that he wasn’t aware that he had to report his wife’s income, had subsequently included it in the amended 700 forms, filed in October.

More recently, however, he told the Voice that he had made the amendments, not because he believed he was required to do so by law but to put the matter to rest by presenting the appearance of transparency and “to be extra safe.”

Based on his claim that his wife’s income was kept separate from his, Foley said that, “I really to this moment think that I don’t have to report it.”

Contrary to Foley’s interpretation, however, the law (Fair Political Practices Act) doesn’t allow for the exemption that he is claiming unless there is a valid prenuptial or postnuptial agreement between spouses, something that Foley says he never had.

When asked why he didn’t report the $15,000, Foley claimed that he was exempt from reporting it because each of the 24 invoices was for less than $500.00. “I think you have to make more than that in the individual voucher [invoice],” he told the Voice. “That’s my understanding.”

When it was pointed out that many of the invoices, fifteen of them to be exact, were for $500 or more, Foley acknowledged an error. “Oh – You know what? It’s an oversight. I don’t recall.”

But, once again, Foley’s interpretation of the law is mistaken. All income must be reported for the previous year – there is no threshold. That much is clear on the 700 forms, where the reporting categories go from $0.00 – $499.00 and up.

Contracts

The Moulton contract stipulates that Foley will attend meetings “for the purpose of developing, implementing and monitoring projects … and evaluating information and water industry issues of concern” to the agency.

Foley also will review the “projects and information, and contracts and documents for those projects, on a periodic basis for this purpose, and advise and recommend project development and implementation measures” for the agency, the contract states.

Foley’s consulting pay is $125 per hour, not to exceed 30 hours a month, according to his contract. He could have made up to $45,000 per year but made far less than that: $1,642 in late 2008, $4,945 in 2009, $5,535 in 2010 and $2,952 in 2011.

At least half of Foley’s consulting income from Moulton was for work related to ocean desalination, including the proposed Dana Point and Poseidon Resources Inc (Huntington Beach) desalination projects, the invoices show. By comparison, his wife’s consulting work during the same period concerned regulatory and permitting issues for the Dana Point project and ocean desalination in general, according to her invoices also obtained by the Voice.

Moulton is one of five south Orange County water agencies that are actively participating in the development of the Dana Point desalination project, which will produce 15,000 acre-feet of drinking water a year if it is built.

Moulton also had a memo of understanding to buy 4,000 acre-feet of water each year from Poseidon. That MOU expired in June, 2011, but MWDOC General Manager Kevin Hunt expects all of the 19 Orange County agencies and cities that previously signed it to renew their pledges.

Strong Influence

Foley was appointed to the MWD by MWDOC in 1989. MWD board members elected him as their chairman in the 90s and again starting in 2011. He also was employed by Moulton as its general manager from 1979 until late 2007 – working at multiple water agencies simultaneously is not uncommon among water officials.

Oddly, MWDOC’s board members don’t consider Foley to be their employee, even though they pay his wages and can fire him at any time at will.

Nor is he treated as an independent contractor or a consultant, even though he regularly advises the board on water issues and votes on behalf of MWDOC’s constituents-who never actually voted for him as their representative-at MWD meetings.

Instead, Foley is considered a “public official” for the MWD, whose board elected him its chairman and represents 19 million constituents – none of whom voted for him – living across southern California, including Ventura County, the Inland Empire, Orange County and San Diego County.

Delivering 1.6 million gallons of water to those constituents in 26 cities and smaller member agencies-including MWDOC (which, in turn, supplies water from MWD to 28 water agencies and cities in Orange County) gives the MWD and its chairman considerable political clout.

As chairman, Foley appoints all members of all standing committees as well as chair persons for special committees. Prior to becoming chairman in 2011 Foley headed the Special Committee on Desalination and Recycling from 2009 through 2010. He also votes on desalination issues before the MWD board and regularly opines on the topic at MWD and MWDOC meetings.

Making Amends

Foley also omitted his wife’s income on 700 forms that he filed with Moulton as its general manager going back to at least 2004. Nor did he report his wife’s income on 700 forms he filed with the Santiago Aqueduct Commission and the San Juan Basin Authority for 2006 -2008 as an appointed representative of Moulton Water. He had not amended those financial disclosure statements as of Tuesday, Feb. 7, according to public records.

Asked if he would amend his MWD financial disclosure forms to correct his $15,000 “oversight,” Foley replied, “Now that you bring it up, I probably should.”

But Foley says that there are much more important topics to pay attention to, such as the Bay Delta and the need to “stay ahead” in order to provide the best water quality to over 19 million people in MWD’s service area.

“It’s what I worry about more than anything else,” he said.

Is Mitt Romney “Severely Freudian?”

If you are like me, you are probably still poking your finger in your ear trying to figure out if you heard Mitt Romney correctly when he called himself  a “Severely conservative Republican.” That one goes in the gaffe hall of fame for numerous reasons. Here is a new radio ad that my organization AmericanLP has going up on ABC Radio in Michigan later this week.

Who is Mitt Romney?

Voiceover from Romney ‘I was a severely conservative Republican.’

Severely conservative???

The word ‘severely’ is most commonly used to describe the following: Disabled, depressed, ill, limited, injured.

So, Michigan conservatives, Mitt Romney basically thinks conservatism is like a ‘disease.’

If you’re a moderate/independent Michigan Republican, how do you feel about a politician who doesn’t believe in anything, but implies, ‘I’ll pretend to be a diseased extremist, even if I think it’s crazy?’

Mitt Romney’s father, George Romney was a great Michigan governor who always spoke his mind. He stood up to his church and GOP extremists regarding civil rights.

But Mitt Romney? Has he ever stood up for something unpopular?

Mitt Romney, he’s not his father’s son. Mitt Romney thinks he can ‘brain wash’ the rest of us.

Paid for By AmericanLP, not associated with a candidate or candidate’s committee.

The Good, Bad, and Ugly of the Democratic Convention

Democratic convention went mostly to script

by Brian Leubitz

Election year Democratic conventions are traditionally all about the cheerleading.  And so there was a lot of praise for President Obama, and Dem. Leader Nancy Pelosi.  That was all rousing, but to be expected.

There was much to do about the endorsement battle in two districts: CD-30 and AD-50.  The Valley Congressional Battle of the “-ermans”, Brad Sherman and Howard Berman, finished at a draw, but not without allegations of cheating back and forth, patheticness, and even a handwriting expert. (Yes, really.) You can check out John Myers reportage on the event.  It really was that crazy.

In AD-50, the Assembly pushing delegates into the district was successful, as Betsy Butler secured the endorsement. But many were still upset about the situation:

Here is where State Party rules are not only stacked in favor of incumbents – but give politicians like John Perez an unsavory role in manipulating the outcome. On Saturday, delegates from the 50th Assembly District gathered to make the Party endorsement. Assembly members can appoint up to five delegates, but only three must live in the legislator’s district. Therefore, Perez asked all Democratic Assembly members to set aside their two “non-resident” slots – so he can appoint delegates who live in the 50th District, and will vote for Betsy Butler over Torie Osborn.

As I walked in to observe the 50th Assembly District caucus on Saturday (as a San Francisco delegate, I could not vote – but I attended to observe), aides for Perez were in full force with clipboards – keeping track of who had shown up to vote for Butler. Aides for other Democratic Assembly members like Fiona Ma had already been working the Convention for the past day, promoting Betsy Butler. This was a well coordinated effort to rig the endorsement, for the Speaker to deliver for one of his members. The Osborn campaign knew they didn’t have much of a shot.(BeyondChron)

Chairman Burton later told a relevant committee that he wanted the situation to end.  A reasonable compromise would be to allow the appointment of delegates from anywhere, but simply eliminate the voting rights for local endorsement issues. Seems to me that would eliminate the entire mess.

At any rate, despite the disagreements, the Party seemed excited to take on the greater challenges facing us this year: the reelection of President Obama and the rejection of “Paycheck Deception.”

Registration Advice Wanted

Okay, so I’ve moved since the last election and I’m considering reregistering at my new location. (The old location isn’t that far away, and since I send most of my mail to my Parent’s house anyway it isn’t a hassle to vote in the old location.) Given the new rules which get rid of closed primaries I’d been considering officially registering as a republican so that I could screw with them by helping Ron Paul. (Note that I don’t actually agree with him on anything, just think he will cause them the most pain at the convention.)

Moreover, I recently found that California isn’t actually a true winner take all state, but instead awards most of it’s delegates by who wins the in each congressional district*; further, I live in an area where few republicans actually are in the local districts, so this would make my vote disproportionately effective in this case. However, I’m still not certain, so any advice would be appreciated, especially  on things I might not have considered. (Also, is there a better name I could give this diary?)

*source: http://www.washingtonpost.com/…

Three State Senate Democrats versus President Obama?

At this weekend’s California Democratic Party convention in San Diego, three likely attendees have some answers they owe to the assembled delegates. Why, in this election year, would any Democrat in the state legislature ally with far-right Republicans to undermine President Barack Obama’s re-election chances by attacking one of his signature projects?

The project in question is the California high speed rail project. High speed rail, like all forms of non-automobile transit, have been targets of Republicans since the 2010 elections. Tea Party Republican governors in Wisconsin, Ohio, and Florida all killed their states’ high speed rail projects and rejected free federal money to build them in order to make an ideological statement that rail is bad and to cast the Obama Administration in a bad light. This despite the fact that the Florida HSR system, for example, would have been profitable according to two independent audits.

In 2011 House Republicans voted to defund high speed rail. Here in 2012 they have gone even further, passing a truly extreme Transportation Bill that would defund most forms of mass transit in America.

They’re doing this partly in service to their ideological values, but also in part to try and undermine President Obama. Republicans believe they’ve been able to turn “green jobs” into a scandalous idea thanks to the Solyndra issue. They would love to make high speed rail into a new Solyndra, casting the president as wasting tax dollars on something that doesn’t work.

Republicans have zeroed in on the California high speed rail project, the last one left standing after Florida’s governor killed the project a year ago, in order to make that anti-Obama argument. They want to claim that the California HSR project won’t generate ridership, won’t generate profits, that it’s some sort of “train to nowhere” and is generally a bad idea.

None of those claims are true.

• California high speed rail is expected to generate ridership and profits – just like every other HSR system in the world. The belief that it won’t is really what drives most high speed rail critics and opponents. It’s the equivalent of denying global warming – the evidence to the contrary is overwhelming. An independent peer review found the ridership numbers to be sound. The facts are in and they are clear: people will choose trains over planes when given the choice. Riders have flocked to HSR from planes around the world and in the Northeastern United States. Japan and France, Spain, Russia, Taiwan, even the Amtrak Acela. And California compares favorably to those globally successful routes.

• As to the “train to nowhere” argument, that’s nonsense. The segment from Fresno to Bakersfield is just the first place where construction begins. Nobody plans to build high speed rail there alone and call it done. Every major piece of long-distance transportation infrastructure was started in pieces. Interstate 5 took 19 years to complete in the Central Valley. The plan is to build from downtown San Francisco to downtown Los Angeles and Anaheim. You’ve gotta start somewhere, but nobody is crazy enough to just stop with a small section in the Valley.

The only issue with California’s HSR project is that the funding to build the entire system from SF to LA hasn’t yet been identified. But that’s a solvable problem, especially if one rejects Republican arguments and instead pushes Congress to fund high speed rail. After all, politicians should be in the business of solving problems, not ignoring them.

So where does the State Senate come in to the discussion? Despite the above facts, Senators Mark DeSaulnier, Alan Lowenthal, and Joe Simitian – all Democrats – have been recently repeating the right-wing criticisms of HSR, undermining President Obama in the process.

In a recent report in the Contra Costa Times, all three Senators were quoted making many of the same criticisms of Obama’s HSR plan as Tea Party Republicans made:

They voiced concerns about plans to start in the Central Valley with a 130-mile link that will not attract enough riders and could become California’s version of the Alaskan “Bridge to Nowhere.”

“This is an albatross potentially,” Lowenthal said.

Lowenthal has been attacking HSR for years, and has wanted to kill this project despite its known benefits. What is particularly interesting is that Lowenthal is running for an open Congressional seat in the Long Beach area, CA-47. Lowenthal would be in an excellent position to help bring more federal dollars to California, help the state get off of fossil fuels and improve transportation by federally funding HSR. Instead he’s joining Republicans to attack the project. Is that an appropriate thing for someone who aspires to become a Congressional Democrat to do?

DeSaulnier, who I like and respect a lot, has his own criticisms:

Instead, they are pushing to begin in urbanized areas. “You need to spend the money where the need is and where it will attract private-sector funds,” DeSaulnier said. “You need to put it where the ridership is.”

As it turns out, the California High Speed Rail Authority does plan to spend money in urban areas. But DeSaulnier here is really repeating the “train to nowhere” argument. The project is merely beginning construction in the Central Valley. To help connect to the coastal areas and tap into the highest ridership levels, we need people like DeSaulnier to step up and help fund that part of the project, rather than take shots from the sidelines.

Senator Simitian’s claims are among the most objectionable of all:

“Whether they are federal funds or not, they should be used wisely,” Simitian said. “Whenever someone tries to hustle you into a quick decision, that should give you pause. I feel like we’re getting jammed by the threat of losing the federal funds.”

As he points out, the state should not “make a $100 billion mistake to save $3 billion” from Washington.

This is very similar to talking points made by Tea Party governors like Scott Walker in Wisconsin and Rick Scott in Florida when they rejected their HSR systems – that somehow they were saving money. Of course, we know that the cost of not building high speed rail would be far higher than HSR – at least $170 billion to expand freeways and airports to handle the same amount of demand that HSR would handle. And unlike freeways, HSR would pay its own operating costs without adding more carbon to the climate.

Governor Jerry Brown defended HSR in his State of the State address and just this week Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood came to California to show support for HSR. Yet these three State Senators appear willing to go against their fellow Democrats – in an election year – and for what? For the prize of siding with Republicans to destroy something that can help California build a better future?

So if you’re a California Democratic Party delegate in San Diego this weekend, and you happen to run into Senators DeSaulnier, Lowenthal and Simitian, you might want to ask them why they’re ignoring the facts in order to side with Tea Party Republicans against President Obama. I think we’d all like to hear the answer.

Church Lobbyist: Obnoxious Callers Killed CA Single Payer — FOREVER!

(Portion below the fold cross-posted from the Orange Juice Blog and to Daily Kos.)

You really have to read the letter to appreciate its full horror.

The short story is this: California’s “single payer health care” proposal for this two-year session had to pass the State Senate by January 31 in order to stay alive.  Despite the fact that Democrats control the Senate 25-15, it fell two votes short.  Two Democrats, Lou Correa and Ron Calderon, voted no; four others refused to vote at all.

This was a shock without being a surprise.  It’s shocking that Democrats can control the legislature and yet fail to get one of our signature proposals through even one chamber.  Yet we’ve dealt with these Senators before — we’ve seen who gives them money — so it was not a surprise.

The surprise came yesterday.  Apparently, it was our fault that SB 810 failed.  Not the insurance industry that fought so hard against the measure; not the pusillanimous Democrats who wouldn’t defend it.  Our fault: activists’ fault.  Why?  Because we kept calling Senators’ offices and some of us were allegedly obnoxious.

That’s what the letter from the Director of Public Policy of the lobbying branch of the California Council of Churches says.

My post from the local blog where I also publish is below.

Apparently, I and people like me were the ones who killed Single Payer.  Everything was well in hand and then … whoops!  We were mean to people and so it died.

The sordid tale — or at least some vague accusations of terrible things being said by aggrieved voters to office interns — may be found in this letter from Elizabeth Sholes, Director of Public Policy for California Church Impact, the lobbying arm of the California Council of Churches.  California Church Impact sports the following motto on its website:

We advocate for those who can’t afford high-priced lobbyists: low-income mothers, hungry children, elderly.

I hope that we can all agree that that is a lovely sentiment.

First, Ms. Sholes explains how the people who dropped the ball were the sponsors of the Single Payer Study Group.  Here’s the relevant excerpt:

Over a year ago the single payer grassroots steering committee, the State Strategy Group, agreed to create a panel of experts who would do a new fiscal analysis to update the information from the Lewin Report. IMPACT helped find experts on health care financing for the panel, and the SSG knew that it would cost about $250,000 to get this done well.

For both the incoming governor, Jerry Brown and all the new legislators, this evidence of cost savings for individuals, families, small business, and the state was crucial. Single payer had to show it would be at least as if not more effective than federal health care reform in cost savings for all parties. It would be impossible to convince legislators unfamiliar with single payer that it was a very responsible measure without those data.

Consequently, in its first foray under Senator Leno’s authorship, the bill did not pass on the Assembly floor. There were simply too many grave doubts, and the newer members had no interaction with single payer supporters who might have eased their concerns.

In response to that loss, the SSG decided suddenly to abandon SB 810 and the fiscal report and go the initiative route thinking it would be simple and that the governor could put it on the ballot. That is not possible since it would have to be done legislatively and requires a supermajority vote. To do an independent initiative with signature gathering is extremely expensive. SSG fund raising therefore turned to obtaining the $2-3 million needed just to do a signature drive, but the money never materialized for the ballot measure, much less the financial analysis.

No initiative. No fiscal study.

Ms. Sholes may or may not fully appreciate that, in presenting the matter as she does, she is in effect calling her “allies” like Sen. Leno and 18 other Democratic Senators irresponsible.  They, after all, supported single payer without the requisite study — given that “this evidence of cost savings … was crucial … [and it] would be impossible to convince legislators unfamiliar with single payer that it was a very responsible measure without those data.”  (Yet 19 of them irresponsibly voted “yes” anyway, based on existing evidence!  Thanks for the support, “ally”!)  And is it the case that new members had “too many grave doubts … [having] had no interaction with single payer supporters who might have eased their concerns”?  Did they, um, seek out such interactions?  I know plenty of people who would have talked to them!  We’ve interacted with Sen. Correa, but he just keeps repeating that “the state’s piggy bank isn’t big enough.”

But the failure wasn’t ultimately the legislators’ fault, you see: it was the supporters who killed the bill … FOREVER!!!

Senator Leno continued to shepherd SB 810 until, as is customary, it went into “suspense” the last week of January in Senate Appropriations. Suspense occurs when there are large questions about costs and means to cover them. Despite the pressure to hold the bill for lack of financial analysis, President pro Tem of the Senate Darrell Steinberg used his leadership strength to send it to the floor. At the first floor vote, five Senators abstained, all of whom had the same fiscal reservations expressed by Senators in Appropriations. Steinberg, as a strong single payer supporter, kept the bill “on call” until the absolutely last moment, January 31 by which time legally it had to pass or die.

Over the weekend senators Leno and Steinberg asked the abstaining members for a “courtesy vote.” This is a vote that occurs when a member with reservations still moves a bill to keep it going.

Those votes were getting pinned down when on January 30th the grassroots advocates started a massive phone campaign to senators. The results were shocking. Office after office including Leno’s and Steinberg’s were flooded with calls — angry, berating, nasty, threatening, and bullying calls. These were not from opponents of single payer. These were from supporters.

When callers could not access senators or their top staff, they lambasted lower-level staff right down to the receptionists.  One young woman, new to the Capitol, was shattered by the vicious attacks on her and her senator. She was absolutely devastated by the personal assaults on her character and politics. Other, older staff were tougher, but every one of them was shaken to their foundations by how incredibly violent and abusive the calls were from supporters.

What the enraged supporters did not realize — because they never asked — is that yes, the requisite number of courtesy votes were being gathered. But after the barrage of abuse, these senators, all with reservations due to the absence of information on financial impacts, withdrew those votes in disgust. Senator Leno then pulled the bill rather than having it die on the floor.

We are aware that these calls did not involve the faith community. Insofar as people identified themselves, those from faith groups were not the source of the harassment. It did not matter enough, however, to prevent the massive meltdown from other less responsible groups and individuals.

At this moment so much damage has been done from the barrage of nasty calls that it is seriously doubtful any legislator will ever work with any of the single payer supporters again, not even in the faith community.

I was certainly one who encouraged people to contact their State Senators regarding SB 810.  When I do so, I usually tell them to be polite; I also tell them that they should tell their stories.

Here’s one of their stories: I was recently asked, through my work for the Occupy movement, for help by a woman I’ll call Alice.  She is a cancer survivor — or at least in remission.  She recently received notice of a premium increase for her individual policy.  She’s now expected to pay $830 per month — $10,000 per year — just for herself.  She’s disabled by her illness, can’t work enough to make ends meet, too young for Medicaid — and she’s concerned that she will have to give up her insurance altogether.  For her, that could be a fatal outcome.

You know what?  She’s pissed off.  She’s going to meet with Correa’s office today — at my urging — in the hope that perhaps they’ll be able to find some angle that can keep her insured, keep her alive — keep her, by the way, from burdening the state with emergency room bills that she would not be able to pay.

I told her — other strong activists told her — “don’t lobby him.  Don’t make a statement.  Just find out how to help yourself.  We don’t want you to die.”

She said “I just want to ask him some questions about why he voted against single payer.”

“Don’t do it,” a chorus of us said.  But it’s probably in vain.  Do you know why?  It’s because she is a very intelligent woman, she knows that a bill like SB 810 would possibly save her life if it were now in effect, she has her dignity, she has enough pride to think that others should honor her dignity — and she’s pissed!!!

That’s how people are — we in the 99%.  If you act unreasonably towards us, and thereby threaten our lives and our families’ well-being, we get uppity.  Some of us are hard to calm down.  Some of us get impolite — because this is not some abstract enterprise for us, but this is our lives.

Now I should make clear that I don’t entirely believe Ms. Sholes’s story.  I’m not saying that she’s lying; I’m saying that perhaps she was counting chickens, when it comes to these “courtesy votes,” that were not quite hatched.  I’d like to know which two Senators among the four Democratic holdouts — Padilla, Vargas, Rubio, and Wright — were the ones who had tentatively committed to the courtesy vote.  (I presume that it wasn’t Correa or Calderon, who voted “no.”)  Oh, I know that I won’t be told this — I know that I’m supposed to just accept that this must be kept secret, but I do really want to know.

Here’s why I want to know.

Let’s presume for the moment that Ms. Sholes’s story is correct.  Let’s, just because we could use some examples, say that the two who were in the bag and then jumped out of the bag, were Vargas and Rubio.  (I choose Vargas because this website has taken an interest in his campaign; I choose Rubio because he’s retiring from office.)

What Ms. Sholes is asking us to believe is that Vargas and Rubio (or whoever) had been convinced that sending the bill to the Assembly was worth doing — presumably because it would allow time to investigate the financial aspects of the bill that 19 members either didn’t care about or (more likely) didn’t find lacking — but they changed their minds because individual citizens alerted to the situation called up and were (allegedly) abusive to their staff.

And, what’s more, the abusiveness of citizens to these staff members was so awful that “it is seriously doubtful any legislator will ever work with any of the single payer supporters again.”  It was THAT BAD!

Well, now.  I would take all of the anguish of all of the staffers who answered all of the calls on January 30 and 31, roll it up into a ball, and set it on one pan of a scale in which the other pan held only Alice’s anguish about the idea of her dying because she can’t afford health insurance.  And then I would let go.

My strong suspicion is that the anguish of Alice would outweigh all of the anguish of these staffers, and all of the anguish of their bosses, and all of the anguish of the members of California Church Impact over this event, combined.

And that is how it should be.

[Let’s say that hypothetically] I’m planning on running for State Senate this year.  If I should win, I will tell my staffers this:

If you can’t handle being abused by angry citizens, who may or may not have legitimate grievances and may or may not have a couple of screws loose, then you should not be answering the phones.  If you are abused, I will feel bad for you, and I might even call up some of those constituents and give them a piece of my mind on your behalf.  But there is one thing that I will never do:  I will not vote against an otherwise worthy bill, or vote for an unworthy one, because people were mean to you … or to me.

Ms. Sholes’s depiction of our legislators, as people who are not willing to put aside their personal emotions and do what they think is right every single time they vote, is insulting and, I would like to think, inaccurate.  People will suffer and die — the low-income mothers and children and the elderly served by California Church Impact will continue to suffer and die — due to the lack of affordable health insurance and adequate health care in this state.  To say that this solution of this problem should be put aside forever because they were mean to legislators is breathtaking in its temerity.  It fundamentally misconstrues the role of legislators as masters rather than servants.  I’d expect better of a church group.

Beyond this, Ms. Sholes’s story is insulting to Majority Leader Steinberg and Senators Leno.  If the votes were truly in the bag — which I doubt — and they knew that calls were coming in, those figures should have raised the alarm immediately to tell supporters to get out the word for people to STOP CALLING!  If things were really taken care of, they just had to give the word — that’s a lot easier than people trying to control the message that someone might have seen five steps removed from the sender, alerting them to call.  But no such word came out — and yet proponents of single-payer take the blame.

If I took Ms. Sholes’s story seriously, this would have to be the lesson I’d take: don’t ask people to call the government.

Don’t ask people to call the government because some of them may at some point be mean and mess everything up.  And you can’t even say “don’t call the government anymore if we tell you to stop,” because by then it might be too late.  So the only thing to do, if you want people to support the bill, is to carefully control which voters do call in — make sure that they’re all polite and charming and well-spoken.  (And then you have to hope that your opposition doesn’t engage in a “false flag” operation of calling in and being abusive while claiming to be proponents, because from the looks of Ms. Sholes’s letter that would work wonderfully.)

Taking Ms. Sholes’s teaching at face value means a commitment to abjuring popular activism because someone might not be as well-bred as a lobbyist or constituent called on behalf of California Church Impact.  It is advice not to get people riled up, to “shut up and leave it to the pros.”

Indeed, Ms. Sholes’s advice is very comforting to those legislators who would prefer not to have to deal with hoi polloi at all.  I am also struck — gobsmacked, in fact — by the fact that these six Democratic State Senators, let alone their fifteen Republican counterparts, are entirely exculpated from the failure of this bill.  Nope!  It’s the activists’ fault, and only the activists’ fault!

Sadly for Ms. Sholes, and for me, and for progressive Senators and Assemblymembers and activists everywhere, the estimable level of decorum she sees as critical simply is not going to be met in the future — because income distribution is getting worse, and times are getting tougher, and people are getting mad.  They’re going broke and they’re dying and they see their government not quite accomplishing what it needs to do.

I’m sorry for the staffers who, to credit Ms. Sholes’s story, received such abuse from constituents (or from non-constituents.)  That should not have happened to you.  But if the lesson you gleaned from it is that it is OK to change your vote in a life-or-death matter against the interests of people who are worked up into righteous indignation, then I am doubly sorry for you, because you have learned a false and corrosive lesson.

As for Ms. Sholes — I’d like to introduce her to Alice.  Another bill, AB 52 — already passed by the Assembly — would give the Insurance Commissioner the ability to regulate unreasonable premium rate increases of the sort that might soon kill Alice.  These same six Senators (plus one other, whom I won’t name) are believed to be the ones blocking its passage.  If you can tell me which Senators are just being coy, but who really would vote for the bill if people are just nice to them, I’ll try to spread the word to people not to vent their anguish at them.  (Following the example of the very polite Insurance Commissioner Dave Jones, I already do this, but I’ll try even harder.)

Please, someone, get me their names.  Then it can be only those Senators who can’t be moved to vote to respect the lives of people like Alice who will receive holy hell — because that’s what we have to deliver to them.

Update [in original post]: How did I gloss over the best paragraph of Sholes’s letter, right after what I copied above?

This means single payer likely is dead in California. The most important point is that SB 810 died NOT due to the insurance industry or even from Senate opposition — the votes were ready for passage – but due to the obnoxious and outrageous actions of its supporters.

Yes, it’s pretty easy to say that the insurance industry and Senate opposition killed SB 810 — what with the actual evidence at hand suggesting it at all.  But it’s also getting easier to say that Ms. Sholes is mostly carrying water (and body armor) for one or both of the above players.  One wonders, given her protestations of progressivism: why?